History of the Reformation in the Sixteenth Century
Chapter 66 : [314] "Und sollten's eitel Kinder in der Wiege seyn." (Ibid, p. 339.) &q

[314] "Und sollten's eitel Kinder in der Wiege seyn." (Ibid, p. 339.)

"I am accused of rejecting the holy doctors of the Church. I reject them not: but since all those doctors try to prove their writings by Holy Scripture, it must be clearer and more certain than they are. Who thinks of proving an obscure discourse by one still more obscure?

Thus, then, necessity constrains us to recur to the Bible, as all the doctors do, and to ask it to decide upon their writings; for the Bible is lord and master.

"But it is said men in power persecute him. And is it not clear from Scripture that persecutors are usually in the wrong, and the persecuted in the right; that the majority are always in favour of falsehood, and the minority in favour of truth? The truth has, at all times, caused clamour."[315]

[315] Wahrheit hat alle, seit rumort (Ibid., p. 140.)

Luther afterwards reviews the propositions condemned in the bull as heretical, and demonstrates their truth, by proofs drawn from Holy Scripture. With what force, in particular, does he now maintain the doctrine of grace!

"What," says he, "will nature be able, before and without grace, to hate sin, avoid it, and repent of it; while that, even since grace is come, this nature loves sin, seeks it, desires it, and ceases not to combat grace, and to be irritated against it; a fact for which all the saints continually do groan!... It is as if it were said that a large tree, which I am unable to bend by exerting my utmost strength, bends of itself on my letting it go; or that a torrent, which walls and d.y.k.es cannot arrest, is arrested the instant I leave it to itself....

No, it is not by considering sin and its consequences that we attain to repentance, but by contemplating Jesus Christ, his wounds, and boundless love.[316] The knowledge of sin must result from repentance, and not repentance from the knowledge of sin. Knowledge is the fruit, repentance is the tree. With us the fruit grows upon the tree, but it would seem that, in the states of the holy father, the tree grows upon the fruit."

[316] Man soll zuvor Christum in seine Wunden sehen, und aus denselben, seine Liebe gegen uns. (Ibid., p. 351.)

The courageous doctor, though he protests, also retracts some of his propositions. Surprise will cease when his mode of doing it is known.

After quoting the four propositions on indulgences, condemned by the bull,[317] he simply adds,

[Sidenote: CORONATION OF CHARLES V.]

"In honour of the holy and learned bull I retract all that I have ever taught touching indulgences. If my books have been justly burned, it must certainly be because I conceded something to the pope in the doctrine of indulgences; wherefore, I myself condemn them to the fire."

[317] 19 to 22. (Ibid., p. 363.)

He also retracts in regard to John Huss. "I say now, not that _some_ articles, but _all_ the articles of John Huss, are Christian throughout. The pope, in condemning Huss, condemned the gospel. I have done five times more than he, and yet I much fear have not done enough. Huss merely says, that a wicked pope is not a member of Christendom; but I, were St. Peter himself sitting to-day at Rome, would deny that he was pope by the appointment of G.o.d."

CHAP. XI.

Coronation of Charles--The Nuncio Aleander--Will Luther's Books be burnt?--Aleander and the Emperor--The Nuncios and the Elector--The Son of Duke John pleads for Luther--Luther's calmness--The Elector protects Luther--Reply of the Nuncios--Erasmus at Cologne--Erasmus with the Elector--Declaration of Erasmus--Advice of Erasmus--System of Charles V.

The powerful words of the Reformer penetrated all minds, and contributed to their emanc.i.p.ation. The sparks of light which each word threw out were communicated to the whole nation. But a great question remained to be solved. Would the prince, in whose states Luther dwelt, favour the execution of the bull, or would he oppose it? The reply seemed doubtful. At that time the Elector and all the princes of the empire were at Aix-la-Chapelle where the crown of Charlemagne was placed upon the head of the youngest but most powerful monarch of Christendom. Unprecedented pomp and magnificence were displayed in the ceremony. Charles V, Frederick, the princes, ministers, and amba.s.sadors, immediately after repaired to Cologne. Aix-la-Chapelle, where the plague was raging, seemed to empty itself into this ancient town on the banks of the Rhine.

[Sidenote: THE NUNCIO ALEANDER.]

Among the crowd of strangers who pressed into the city were the two papal nuncios, Marino Carracioli and Jerome Aleander. Carracioli, who had previously executed a mission to Maximilian, was appointed to congratulate the new emperor, and confer with him on matters of state.

But Rome had become aware that, in order to succeed in extinguis.h.i.+ng the Reformation, it was necessary to send into Germany a nuncio specially entrusted with the task, and with a character, address, and activity fitted to accomplish it. Aleander had been selected.[318]

This man, who was afterwards decorated with the cardinals' purple, seems to have been of rather an ancient family, and not of Jewish parentage as has been said. The guilty Borgia called him to Rome to be secretary to his son, the Cesar, before whose murderous sword all Rome trembled.[319] "Like master like servant," says a historian, who thus compares Aleander to Alexander VI. This judgment seems too severe.

After the death of Borgia, Aleander devoted himself to study with new ardour. His skill in Greek, Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic, gave him the reputation of being the most learned man of his age. He threw his whole soul into whatever he undertook. The zeal with which he studied languages was not a whit stronger than that which he displayed in persecuting the Reformation. Leo X took him into his service.

Protestant historians speak of his epicurean habits--Roman historians of the integrity of his life.[320] He seems to have been fond of luxury, show, and amus.e.m.e.nt. "Aleander," says his old friend Erasmus, "lived in Venice, in high office, but in low epicureanism." He is admitted to have been violent in temper, prompt in action, full of ardour, indefatigable, imperious, and devoted to the pope. Eck is the bl.u.s.tering, intrepid champion of the school,--Aleander the proud amba.s.sador of the arrogant court of the pontiffs. He seemed formed to be a nuncio.

[318] Studium flagrantissimum religionis, ardor idolis...incredibile quanta solertia (Pallavicini, i, p. 84.)

[319] Capello, Venetian amba.s.sador at Rome, in 1500, says of him, "Tutta Roma trema di esso ducha non li faza amazzar"... (Relatione M.S. Archives of Vienna, extracted by Ranke.)

[320] Er wird ubel als ein gebohrner Jude und schaendlicher Epicurer beschrieben. (Seckend. 286.)--Integritas vitae qua praenoscebatur...

(Pallavicini, i, p. 84.)

Rome had made every preparation to destroy the monk of Wittemberg. The duty of a.s.sisting at the coronation of the emperor, as representative of the pope, was to Aleander only a secondary mission, fitted to facilitate his task by the respect which it secured to him. The essential part of his commission was to dispose Charles to crush the growing Reformation.[321] In putting the bull into the hands of the emperor, the nuncio had thus addressed him:--"The pope, who has succeeded with so many great princes, will have little difficulty in bringing three grammarians to order." By these he meant Luther, Melancthon, and Erasmus. Erasmus was present at this audience.

[321] "Cui tota sollicitudo insisteret, nascentis haeresis evellendae."

(Pallavicini, i, p. 83.) Whose whole anxiety was directed to the extirpation of the growing heresy.

[Sidenote: WILL LUTHER'S WORKS BE BURNT?]

No sooner had Aleander arrived at Cologne, than he proceeded in concert with Carracioli, to put everything in train for burning Luther's heretical writings throughout the empire, but more especially under the eyes of the princes of Germany who were then a.s.sembled.

Charles V had already consented to its being done in his hereditary states. The minds of men were greatly agitated. "Such measures," it was said to the ministers of Charles, and to the nuncios themselves, "far from curing the evil, will only make it worse. Do you imagine that the doctrine of Luther exists only in the books which you throw into the flames? It is written where you cannot reach it--on the hearts of the population.[322] If you will employ force, it must be that of innumerable swords, drawn to ma.s.sacre an immense mult.i.tude.[323] Some billets of wood, collected for the purpose of consuming some bits of paper, will do nothing; such weapons become not the dignity either of the emperor or the pontiff." The nuncio defended his f.a.ggot piles. "These flames," said he, "are a sentence of condemnation written in gigantic letters, and understood alike by those who are near, and those who are at a distance, by the learned and the ignorant, by those even who cannot read."

[322] "Altiusque insculptam in mentibus universae fere Germaniae."

(Pallavicini, i, p. 88.)

[323] "In vi innumerabilium gladiorum qui infinitum populum trucidarent." (Ibid.)

But, in reality the nuncio's efforts were directed not against papers and books, but Luther himself. "These flames," resumed he, "are not sufficient to purify the infected air of Germany.[324] If they deter the simple, they do not correct the wicked. The thing wanted is an edict from the emperor against Luther's head."[325]

[324] "Non satis ad expurgandam aerem Germaniae jam tabific.u.m." (Ibid., p. 89.)

[325] Caesaris edictum in caput ... Lutheri. (Ibid.)

Aleander did not find the emperor so complying on the subject of the Reformer's person as on that of his books.

"Having just ascended the throne," said he to Aleander, "I cannot, without the advice of my counsellors, and the consent of the princes, strike such a blow at an immense faction, surrounded by such powerful defenders. Let us first know what our father, the Elector of Saxony, thinks of the affair; after that, we shall see what answer to give to the pope."[326] On the Elector, therefore, the nuncios proceeded to try their wiles, and the power of their eloquence.

[326] "Audiamus antea hac in re patrem nostrum Frederic.u.m." (L. Op.

Lat., ii, p. 117.)

On the first Sunday of November, after Frederick had attended ma.s.s in the convent of the Cordeliers, Carracioli and Aleander requested an audience. He received them in the presence of the Bishop of Trent, and several of his counsellors. Carracioli first presented the papal brief. Milder than Aleander, he thought it best to gain the Elector by flattery, and began to laud him and his ancestors. "In you," said he, "we hope for the salvation of the Roman Church and the Roman empire."

[Sidenote: THE NUNCIOS AND THE ELECTOR.]

But the impetuous Aleander, wis.h.i.+ng to come to the point, came briskly forward, and interrupted his colleague, who modestly gave way to him.[327] "It is to me," said he, "and Eck, that Martin's affair has been entrusted. See the immense perils to which this man exposes the Christian commonwealth. If a remedy is not speedily applied, the empire is destroyed. What ruined the Greeks if it was not their abandonment of the pope? You cannot remain united to Luther without separating from Jesus Christ.[328] In the name of his Holiness, I ask of you two things: _first_, to burn the writings of Luther; _secondly_, to punish him according to his demerits, or at least to give him up a prisoner to the pope.[329] The emperor, and all the princes of the empire have declared their readiness to accede to our demands; you alone still hesitate...."

[327] "Cui ita loquenti de improviso sese addit Aleander ..." (L. Op.

Lat., ii, p. 117.)

[328] Non posse c.u.m Luthero conjungi, quin sejungeretur a Christo.

(Pallavicini. p. 86.)

[329] Ut de eo supplicium sumeret, vel captum pontifici transmitteret.

(L. Op. Lat. ii, p. 117.)

Frederick replied, by the intervention of the Bishop of Trent, "This affair is too grave to be decided on the spur of the moment. We will acquaint you with our resolution."

Frederick's position was difficult. What course will he adopt? On the one side are the emperor, the princes of the empire, and the chief pontiff of Christendom, from whose authority the Elector has as yet no thought of withdrawing; on the other, a monk, a feeble monk; for his person is all that is asked. The reign of the emperor has just commenced, and will discord be thrown into the empire by Frederick, the oldest and the wisest of all the princes of Germany? Besides, can he renounce that piety which led him as far as the sepulchre of Christ?...

Other voices were then heard. John Frederick, son of Duke John, and nephew of Frederick, the pupil of Spalatin, a young prince, seventeen years of age, who afterwards wore the electoral crown, and whose reign was marked by great misfortunes, had been inspired with a heartfelt love of the truth, and was strongly attached to Luther.[330] When he saw him struck with the anathemas of Rome, he embraced his cause with the warmth of a young Christian and a young prince. He wrote to the doctor, he wrote also to his uncle, soliciting him to protect Luther against his enemies. At the same time, Spalatin, though indeed he was often very desponding, Ponta.n.u.s, and the other counsellors who were with the Elector at Cologne, represented to him that he could not abandon the Reformer.[331]