The Life of John Marshall
Chapter 136 : "The workmen are the refuse of that cla.s.s and, nevertheless very high in their

"The workmen are the refuse of that cla.s.s and, nevertheless very high in their demands." (La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt: _Travels Through the United States of North America_, III, 650.)

[36] "To Thomas Hume, Esq., M.D.," Moore: _Poetical Works_, II, 83.

[37] See Jefferson to Short, Sept. 6, 1790, _Works of Thomas Jefferson_: Ford, VI, 146; same to Mrs. Adams, July 7, 1785, _ib._ IV, 432-33; same to Peters, June 30,1791, _ib._ VI, 276; same to Short, April 24, 1792, _ib._ 483; same to Monroe, May 26, 1795, _ib._ VIII, 179; same to Jay, Oct. 8, 1787, _Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, from the Papers of Thomas Jefferson_: Randolph, II, 249; also see Chastellux: _Travels in North America in the Years 1780-81-82_, 299.

[38] See Singleton: _Story of the White House_, I, 42-43.

[39] Plumer to his wife, Dec. 25, 1802, Plumer, 246.

[40] "Mr. Granger [Jefferson's Postmaster-General] ... after a few bottles of champagne were emptied, on the observation of Mr. Madison that it was the most delightful wine when drank in moderation, but that more than a few gla.s.ses always produced a headache the next day, remarked with point that this was the very time to try the experiment, as the next day being Sunday would allow time for a recovery from its effects. The point was not lost upon the host and bottle after bottle came in." (S. H. Smith to his wife, April 26, 1803. Hunt, 36.)

[41] At that time it was called "The Executive Mansion" or "The President's Palace."

[42] Bryan, I, 44; also see La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, III, 642-51.

[43] See vol. I, chaps. VI and VII, of this work.

[44] Marshall to Pinckney, March 4, 1801, MS. furnished by Dr. W. S.

Thayer of Baltimore.

[45] Cabot to Wolcott, Aug. 3, 1801, Lodge: _Life and Letters of George Cabot_, 322.

George Cabot was the ablest, most moderate and far-seeing of the New England Federalists. He feared and detested what he called "excessive democracy" as much as did Ames, or Pickering, or Dwight, but, unlike his brother partisans, did not run to the opposite extreme himself and never failed to a.s.sert the indispensability of the democratic element in government. Cabot was utterly without personal ambition and was very indolent; otherwise he surely would have occupied a place in history equal to that of men like Madison, Gallatin, Hamilton, and Marshall.

[46] Hale to King, Dec. 19, 1801, King, IV, 39.

[47] Sedgwick to King, Dec. 14, 1801, _ib._ 34-35.

[48] Dwight's oration as quoted in Adams: U.S. I, 225.

[49] J. Q. Adams to King, Oct. 8,1802, _Writings of John Quincy Adams_: Ford, III, 8-9. Within six years Adams abandoned a party which offered such feeble hope to aspiring ambition. (See _infra_, chap, IX.)

[50] J. Russell's _Gazette-Commercial and Political_, January 28, 1799.

[51] _History of the Last Session of Congress Which Commenced 7th Dec.

1801_ (taken from the _National Intelligencer_). Yet at that time in America manhood suffrage did not exist excepting in three States, a large part of the people could not read or write, imprisonment for debt was universal, convicted persons were sentenced to be whipped in public and subjected to other cruel and disgraceful punishments. Hardly a protest against slavery was made, and human rights as we now know them were in embryo, so far as the practice of them was concerned.

[52] Wirt: _Letters of the British Spy_, 10-11.

These brilliant articles, written by Wirt when he was about thirty years old, were published in the Richmond _Argus_ during 1803. So well did they deceive the people that many in Gloucester and Norfolk declared that they had seen the British Spy. (Kennedy: _Memoirs of the Life of William Wirt_, I, 111, 113.)

[53] Ames to Pickering, Feb. 4, 1807, Pickering MSS. Ma.s.s. Hist. Soc.

[54] Jefferson to Rush, Oct. 4, 1803, _Works_: Ford, X, 32.

Immediately after his inauguration, Jefferson restated the American foreign policy announced by Was.h.i.+ngton. It was the only doctrine on which he agreed with Marshall.

"It ought to be the very first object of our pursuits to have nothing to do with European interests and politics. Let them be free or slaves at will, navigators or agricultural, swallowed into one government or divided into a thousand, we have nothing to fear from them in any form.... To take part in their conflicts would be to divert our energies from creation to destruction." (Jefferson to Logan, March 21, 1801, _Works_: Ford, IX, 219-20.)

[55] Jefferson to Postmaster-General (Gideon Granger), May 3, 1801, _Works_: Ford, IX, 249.

The democratic revolution that overthrew Federalism was the beginning of the movement that finally arrived at the abolition of imprisonment for debt, the bestowal of universal manhood suffrage, and, in general, the more direct partic.i.p.ation in every way of the ma.s.ses of the people in their own government. But in the first years of Republican power there was a pandering to the crudest popular tastes and pa.s.sions which, to conservative men, argued a descent to the sansculottism of France.

[56] See _infra_, chaps. III and VI; also vol. IV, chap. I.

[57] 1 Cranch, 1 _et seq._

[58] Wilson _vs._ Mason, 1 Cranch, 45-101.

[59] 1 Cranch, 102-10.

[60] Turner _vs._ Fendall, 1 Cranch, 115-30.

[61] See vol. II, 531-47, of this work.

[62] See Adams: _U.S._ I, chaps. IX and X, for account of the revolutionary measures which the Republicans proposed to take.

[63] Marshall to Pinckney, March 4, 1801, "four o'clock," MS.

[64] "It is the sole object of the Administration to acquire popularity." (Wolcott to Cabot, Aug. 28, 1802, Lodge: _Cabot_, 325.)

"The President has ... the itch for popularity." (J. Q. Adams to his father, November, 1804, _Writings, J. Q. A._: Ford, III, 81.)

"The mischiefs of which his immoderate thirst for ... popularity are laying the foundation, are not immediately perceived." (Adams to Quincy, Dec. 4, 1804, Quincy, 64.)

"It seems to be a great primary object with him never to pursue a measure if it becomes unpopular." (Plumer's Diary, March 4, 1805, Plumer MSS. Lib. Cong.)

"In dress, conversation, and demeanor he studiously sought and displayed the arts of a low demagogue seeking the gratification of the democracy on whose voices and votes he laid the foundation of his power."

(Quincy's Diary, Jan. 1806, Quincy, 93.)

[65] Ames to Gore, Dec. 13, 1802, _Works of Fisher Ames_: Ames, I, 309.

[66] Dodd in _American Historical Review_, XII, 776; and see next chapter.

[67] Jefferson to d.i.c.kinson, Dec. 19, 1801, _Writings of Thomas Jefferson_: Was.h.i.+ngton, IV, 424.

[68] "The only s.h.i.+eld for our Republican citizens against the federalism of the courts is to have the attorneys & Marshals republicans."

(Jefferson to Stuart, April 8, 1801, _Works_: Ford, IX, 248.)

[69] "The judge of course stands until the law [Judiciary Act of 1801]

shall be repealed which we trust will be at the next Congress."

(Jefferson to Stuart, April 8, 1801, _Works_: Ford, IX, 247.) For two weeks Jefferson appears to have been confused as to the possibility of repealing the Judiciary Act of 1801. A fortnight before he informed Stuart that this course would be taken, he wrote Giles that "the courts being so decidedly federal and irremovable," it was "indispensably necessary" to appoint "republican attorneys and marshals." (Jefferson to Giles, March 23, 1801, MSS. Lib. Cong. as quoted by Carpenter in _American Political Science Review_, IX, 522.)

But the repeal had been determined upon within six weeks after Jefferson's inauguration as his letter to Stuart shows.

[70] Giles to Jefferson, March 16, 1801, Anderson: _William Branch Giles--A Study in the Politics of Virginia 1790-1830_, 77.

[71] Same to same, June 1, 1801, _ib._ 80.