The Life of John Marshall Novel Chapters
List of most recent chapters published for the The Life of John Marshall novel. A total of 288 chapters have been translated and the release date of the last chapter is Apr 02, 2024
Latest Release: Chapter 1 : The Life of John Marshall.Volume 1.by Albert J. Beveridge.PREFACE The work of John Marsh
The Life of John Marshall.Volume 1.by Albert J. Beveridge.PREFACE The work of John Marshall has been of supreme importance in the development of the American Nation, and its influence grows as time pa.s.ses. Less is known of Marshall, however, than of any
- 1 The Life of John Marshall.Volume 1.by Albert J. Beveridge.PREFACE The work of John Marshall has been of supreme importance in the development of the American Nation, and its influence grows as time pa.s.ses. Less is known of Marshall, however, than of any
- 2 Into this structure of Virginia society Fate began to weave a new and alien thread about the time that Thomas Marshall took his young bride to the log cabin in the woods of Prince William County where their first child was born. In the back country border
- 3 [36] _Va. Mag. Hist. and Biog._, iii, 261; xviii, 86-87.[37] The curious sameness in the ancestry of Marshall and Jefferson is found also in the surroundings of their birth. Both were born in log cabins in the backwoods. Peter Jefferson, father of Thomas,
- 4 Jefferson in 1790 owned two hundred slaves and ten thousand acres of very rich land on the James River. (Jefferson to Van Staphorst, Feb. 28, 1790; _Works_: Ford, vi, 33.) Was.h.i.+ngton owned enormous quant.i.ties of land, and large numbers of slaves. Hi
- 5 John Marshall was never out of the simple, crude environment of the near frontier for longer than one brief s.p.a.ce of a few months until his twentieth year, when, as lieutenant of the famous Culpeper Minute Men, he marched away to battle. The life he ha
- 6 [Ill.u.s.tration: OAK HILL From a water-color. The original house, built by Thomas Marshall in 1773, is shown at the right, in the rear of the main building.]A book was placed in the hands of John Marshall, at this time, that influenced his mind even more
- 7 [122] See Mrs. Carrington to her sister Nancy, _infra_, chap. V.[123] John Marshall, when at the height of his career, liked to talk of these times. "He ever recurred with fondness to that primitive mode of life, when he partook with a keen relish of
- 8 [165] James Thompson was born in 1739. (Meade, ii, 219.) [166] _Ib._ [167] Forty years later La Rochefoucauld found that the whole family and all visitors slept in the same room of the cabins of the back country.(La Rochefoucauld, iv, 595-96.) [168] "
- 9 [211] Henry, i, 255-61; Wirt, 117-19. Except Henry's speech itself, Wirt's summary of the arguments of the conservatives is much the best account of the opposition to Henry's fateful resolutions.[212] Wirt, 142; Henry, i, 261-66.[213] _Ib._
- 10 Nor was this the worst. Was.h.i.+ngton thus pours out his soul to his nephew: "Great bodies of militia in pay that never were in camp; ...immense quant.i.ties of provisions drawn by men that never rendered ...one hour's service ... every kind of
- 11 Two months of service followed, as hard as the many gone before with which Fate had blackened the calendar of the patriot cause. Was.h.i.+ngton was frantically urged to "storm" Philadelphia: Congress wished it; a "torrent of public opinion&
- 12 [256] Was.h.i.+ngton to Major-General Lee, Dec. 1, 1776; _ib._, V, 62.[257] General Greene to Governor Cooke, Dec. 4, 1776; _ib._, footnote to 62.[258] Was.h.i.+ngton to President of Congress, Dec. 12, 1776; _Writings_: Ford, v, 84.[259] Was.h.i.+ngton to
- 13 [304] Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 127.[305] _Ib._, 128; and see Trevelyan, iv, 226.[306] Marshall (1st ed.), iii, 127-29; _ib._ (2d ed.), i, 154-56; Was.h.i.+ngton to President of Congress, Sept. 3, 1777; _Writings_: Ford, vi, 64-65.[307] Story, in Dillon, i
- 14 [353] Marshall, i, 184.[354] Marshall, i, 184.CHAPTER IV VALLEY FORGE AND AFTER Unless some great and capital change suddenly takes place ... this army must inevitably starve, dissolve, or disperse. (Was.h.i.+ngton, Dec. 23, 1777.) John Marshall was the b
- 15 ruin, in which theirs also must ultimately be involved."[420]With such men, Was.h.i.+ngton a.s.serted, "party disputes and personal quarrels are the great business of the day, whilst the momentous concerns of an empire [America][421] ... are but
- 16 On December 30, 1780, Jefferson received positive news of Arnold's invasion.[469] He had been warned by Was.h.i.+ngton that just this event was likely to occur;[470] but he had not summoned to the colors a single man of the militia, probably fifty th
- 17 [394] Slaughter, 107-08.[395] Howe, 266.[396] Slaughter, 108.[397] Weedon, 134; also, Heitman, 285.[398] _Ib._ [399] Description of Marshall at Valley Forge by eye-witness, in _North American Review_ (1828), xxvi, 8.[400] Ninth Virginia. (Heitman, 72.) [4
- 18 [443] Trevelyan, iv, 376.[444] Marshall, i, 252.[445] Marshall speaks of "one thousand select men" under Wayne; Maxwell's division was with Wayne under Lee; Marshall was in the battle, and it seems certain that he was among Wayne's &qu
- 19 Jacquelin Ambler had been one of Yorktown's wealthiest men, and his house was called a "mansion." But the war had ruined him financially;[483] and the year 1780 found the Ambler family dwelling in humble quarters. "The small retired te
- 20 When John Marshall married Miss Ambler, his father gave him one negro and three horses.[549] The following year (1784) the t.i.thable Book shows but five t.i.thable negroes, eight young negroes, eight horses, and eighteen head of cattle in Thomas Marshall
- 21 But, in general, his book-buying was moderate during these formative years as a lawyer. While it is difficult to learn exactly what literature Marshall indulged in, besides novels and poetry, we know that he had "Dionysius Longinus on the Sublime&quo
- 22 "He is a boy and is indisputably in love in this good year 1763, and he courts and sighs and tries to capture his pretty little sweetheart, but like his friend George Was.h.i.+ngton, fails. The young lady will not be captured!" (Susan Randolph
- 23 [528] Horses were very scarce in Virginia at this time. It was almost impossible to get them even for military service.[529] _Southern Literary Messenger_ (quoting from a statement by Marshall), ii, 183.[530] Mrs. Carrington to her sister Nancy; _Atlantic
- 24 [573] See _infra_, chap. VI.[574] Such entries as these denote only Marshall's social and friendly spirit. At that period and for many years afterward card-playing for money was universal in Virginia (La Rochefoucauld, iii, 77; and Mordecai, ed. 1856
- 25 It is surprising that gentlemen cannot dismiss their private animosities but will bring them in the a.s.sembly. (Marshall.) In 1783, a small wooden building stood among the two or three hundred little frame houses[614] which, scattered irregularly from th
- 26 John Marshall voted for this bill, which pa.s.sed without opposition.[675]He became a stockholder in the corporation and paid several a.s.sessments on his stock.[676] Thus early did Marshall's ideas on the nature of a legislative franchise to a corpo
- 27 John Marshall, of course, voted for it. While there is no record that he took part in the debate, yet it is plain that the contest strengthened his fast-growing Nationalist views. The extravagance of those who saw in the Bill of Rights only a hazy "l
- 28 [637] Madison to Jefferson, July 3,1784; _Writings_: Hunt, ii, 62.[638] Madison to Was.h.i.+ngton, Dec. 14,1787; _ib._, v, 69-70.[639] Was.h.i.+ngton to Madison, Jan. 10, 1788; _Writings_: Ford, xi, 208.[640] Was.h.i.+ngton to Lafayette, April 28, 1788; _
- 29 [682] _Ib._, xi, 342-44.[683] See Jefferson's letter to Mazzei, explaining the difference between law and equity and the necessity for courts of chancery as well as courts of law. This is one of the best examples of Jefferson's calm, clear, simp
- 30 [726] Journal, H.D., 52.[727] In order to group subjects such as British debts, extradition, and so forth, it is, unfortunately, essential to bring widely separated dates under one head.[728] Journal, H.D. (1st Sess., 1784), 11-12.[729] Journal, H.D. (1st
- 31 This revolution in the views of men like Was.h.i.+ngton, Madison, and Marshall was caused largely by the conduct of the ma.s.ses, which, to such men, seemed to be selfish, violent, capricious, vindictive, and dangerous. The state of the country explains m
- 32 "Far in the west, a paltry spot of land, That no man envied, and that no man owned, A woody hill, beside a dismal bog-- This was your choice; nor were you much to blame; And here, responsive to the croaking frog, You grubbed, and stubbed, And feared
- 33 [779] Hart, iii, 116.[780] _Mag. Western Hist._, i, 530.[781] Justice Cus.h.i.+ng to Chief Justice Jay, Oct. 23, 1792; _Jay_: Johnston, iii, 450.[782] _Memoirs of Talleyrand_: Broglie's ed., i, 176-77.[783] Was.h.i.+ngton to Jay, Nov. 19, 1790; _Jay_
- 34 [829] Goodrich, i, 61.[830] Schoepf, ii, 61; see note, _ib._ Even this journal died for want of subscribers.[831] Salem _Gazette_, Sept. 13, 1791; Hist. Col., Topsfield (Ma.s.s.) Hist. Soc., iii, 10.[832] Was.h.i.+ngton to Humphreys, Dec. 26, 1786; _Writi
- 35 [869] Weld, i, 199.[870] Schoepf, ii, 34. This strange phenomenon was witnessed everywhere, even in a place then so far remote as Maine. "Elegant women come out of log or deal huts [in Maine] all wearing fas.h.i.+onable hats and head dresses with fea
- 36 Very considerable were the obligations "public and private" which Madison wrote his father that he "strongly suspected" a part of the country intended to repudiate. The public debt, foreign and domestic, of the Confederation and the St
- 37 At last the supreme hour is striking. The Virginians, about to a.s.semble in State Convention, will determine the fate of that unauthorized and revolutionary plan for a National Government,[980] the National Const.i.tution. The movement for a second gener
- 38 [934] Jay to Reed, Dec. 12, 1786; _ib._, 222.[935] Jay to Price, Sept. 27, 1786; _ib._, 168.[936] Madison to Randolph, Jan. 10, 1788; _Writings_: Hunt, v, 81.[937] Was.h.i.+ngton to Lee, Oct. 31, 1786; _Writings_: Ford, xi, 76-77.[938] Was.h.i.+ngton to M
- 39 [976] Jefferson to Meusnier, Jan. 24, 1786; _Works_: Ford, v, 8.[977] Jefferson to Madison, Dec. 20, 1787; _ib._, 373-74. Jefferson concluded, prophetically, that when the people "get piled upon one another, in large cities, as in Europe, they will b
- 40 If only the address of Pennsylvania's heroic minority, "Centinel"lamented, had reached Boston in time, it would "have enabled patriotism to triumph" there; but, of course, the "_high born_" Const.i.tutionalist managers o
- 41 [985] _Ib._, 25.[986] The Jockey Club was holding its annual races at Richmond when the Const.i.tutional Convention of 1788 convened. (Christian, 31.) [987] Grigsby, i. 31.[988] Humphrey Marshall, from the District of Kentucky, saw for the first time one
- 42 [1025] "Address of the Minority"; McMaster and Stone, 454-83.[1026] "Address of the Minority"; McMaster and Stone, 466.[1027] _Ib._, 469-70.[1028] _Ib._, 480.[1029] See various contemporary accounts of this riot reprinted in McMaster a
- 43 [1074] _Ib._, 96.[1075] _Ib._, 94.[1076] _Ib._, 80.[1077] _Ib._, 48.[1078] Elliot, ii, 133.[1079] _Ib._, 136-37.[1080] _Ib._, 16.[1081] _Ib._, 111.[1082] _Ib._, 148.[1083] _Ib._, 44.[1084] Elliott, ii, 102-04. Mr. Thatcher made the best summary of the unh
- 44 Intelligence of the New Hamps.h.i.+re Convention, of their success in which the Const.i.tutionalists finally had made sure, was arranged to be carried by swift riders and relays of horses across country to Hamilton in New York; and "any expense which
- 45 Randolph then reviewed the state of the country under the Confederation: Congress powerless, public credit ruined, treaties violated, prices falling, trade paralyzed, "and justice trampled under foot." The world looks upon Americans "as lit
- 46 The "imaginary dangers" conjured by them were to intimidate the people; but, cried Henry, "fear is the pa.s.sion of slaves." The execution of Josiah Philips under the bill of attainder was justifiable. Philips had been a "fugitive
- 47 [1152] Elliott, iii, 1.[1153] _Ib._, 5-6; also, Journal of the Convention, 7-11.[1154] Grigsby, i, 69-70. In the descriptions of the dress, manners, and appearance of those who took part in the debate, Grigsby's account has been followed. Grigsby too
- 48 [1197] At this point the reporter, unable to follow Henry's speech, notes that he "strongly and pathetically expatiated on the probability of the President's enslaving America and the horrid consequences that must result." (Elliott, ii
- 49 As to the navigation of the Mississippi, he asked: "How shall we retain it? By retaining that weak government which has. .h.i.therto kept it from us?" No, exclaimed Marshall, but by a Government with "the power of retaining it." Such a
- 50 As usual, Henry ended with a fearsome picture and prophecy, this time of the danger to and destruction of Southern interests at the hands of the Northern majority. This, said he, "is a picture so horrid, so wretched, so dreadful, that I need no longe
- 51 [1228] Elliott, iii, 170-71. The reporter noted that "Mr. Henry in a very animated manner expatiated on the evil and pernicious tendency of keeping secret the common proceedings of government." (_Ib._, 170.) [1229] Grigsby, i, footnote to 157.[1
- 52 [1277] Lee to Hamilton; Hamilton MSS., Lib. Cong. The first paragraph of Lee's letter to Hamilton shows that the latter was helping his friend financially; for Lee wrote, "G.o.d bless you & your efforts to save me from the manifold purse misfort
- 53 The kernel of the objection to National Courts was, declared Marshall, "a belief that there will not be a fair trial had in those courts." But it was plain, he argued, that "we are as secure there as anywhere else.What mischief results from
- 54 On Tuesday morning, June 24, Pendleton called to the chair Thomas Mathews, one of the best parliamentarians in the Convention, a stanch Const.i.tutionalist, a veteran of the Revolution, and a popular man.Instantly Mathews recognized Wythe; for Henry was r
- 55 "Lord Fairfax ... died during the war. In the year 1782, an act pa.s.sed sequestering all quitrents, then due, in the hands of the persons holding the lands, until the right of descent should be known, and the General a.s.sembly should make final pro
- 56 I WILL OF THOMAS MARSHALL, "CARPENTER"In the Name of G.o.d Amen! I, Thomas Marshall of the County of Westmoreland of Was.h.i.+ngton Parish, Carpenter, being very weak but of perfect memory thanks be to G.o.d for it doth ordain this my last will
- 57 IV MEMORIAL OF THOMAS MARSHALL FOR MILITARY EMOLUMENTS To the Honorable the Speaker and members of the house of Delegates, the Memorial of Thomas Marshall humbly sheweth.That your Memorialist in Aug^t 1775 was appointed Major to the first minute Battalion
- 58 The Life of John Marshall.Volume 2.by Albert J. Beveridge.CHAPTER I INFLUENCE OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION ON AMERICA Were there but an Adam and an Eve left in every country, and left free, it would be better than it now is. (Jefferson.) That malignant philos
- 59 Was.h.i.+ngton instructed our ministers to do all they could "unofficially"to help Lafayette, says Marshall; and "a confidential person [Marshall's brother James] had been sent to Berlin to solicit his discharge: but before this messen
- 60 [19] Paine to Was.h.i.+ngton, May 1, 1790; _Cor. Rev._: Sparks, iv, 328.Paine did not, personally, bring the key, but forwarded it from London.[20] Burke in the House of Commons; _Works_: Burke, i, 451-53.[21] _Ib._ [22] _Reflections on the Revolution in
- 61 [52] Jefferson to Madison, April 28, 1793; _Works_: Ford, vii, 301.[53] For examples of these, see Hazen, 220-45.[54] Graydon, 363.[55] Freneau's _National Gazette_ defended the execution of the King and the excesses of the Terror. (Hazen, 256; and s
- 62 Construe the const.i.tution liberally in advancement of the common good. (Hamilton.) To organize government, to retrieve the national character, to establish a system of revenue, to create public credit, were among the duties imposed upon them. (Marshall.
- 63 Was.h.i.+ngton had made Jefferson his Secretary of State purely on merit.For similar reasons of efficiency Hamilton had been appointed Secretary of the Treasury, after Robert Morris, Was.h.i.+ngton's first choice, had declined that office.At Jefferso
- 64 [104] Marshall, ii, 205-26. Throughout this chapter the terms "Nationalist" and "Anti-Nationalist" are used instead of the customary terms "Federalist" and "Anti-Federalist," the latter not clearly expressing the fu
- 65 [149] _Ib._, 86.[150] _Ib._, 132-33.[151] Marshall, ii, 192.[152] Money was exceedingly scarce. Even Was.h.i.+ngton had to borrow to travel to New York for his inauguration, and Patrick Henry could not attend the Federal Const.i.tutional Convention for wa
- 66 [190] "Opinion as to the Const.i.tutionality of the Bank of the United States"; _Works_: Lodge, iii, 445-93. Was.h.i.+ngton was sorely perplexed by the controversy and was on the point of vetoing the Bank Bill. (See Rives, iii, 170-71.) [191] Ma
- 67 On the same day that the Minister of the new French Republic landed on American sh.o.r.es, Was.h.i.+ngton proclaimed Neutrality.[255] This action, which to-day all admit to have been wise and far-seeing statesmans.h.i.+p, then caused an outburst of popula
- 68 At last Jay secured from Great Britain the famous treaty that bears his name. It is perhaps the most humiliating compact into which America ever entered. He was expected to secure the restriction of contraband--it was enlarged; payment for the slaves--it
- 69 [226] Jefferson to Short, May 18, 1792; _Works_: Ford, vi, 413; and see "A Citizen" in the _National Gazette_, May 3, 1792, for a typical Republican indictment of Funding and a.s.sumption.[227] Gallatin's _Writings_: Adams, i, 3.[228] Penns
- 70 [267] Jefferson to Was.h.i.+ngton, Dec. 31, 1793; _Works_: Ford, viii, 136.[268] Jefferson to Short, Jan. 28, 1792; _ib._, vi, 382.[269] Marshall, ii, 233.[270] Generally speaking, the same cla.s.ses that secured the Const.i.tution supported all the measu
- 71 [311] "I believe the intention is to draw the United States into it [war] merely to make tools of them.... The conduct of the British government is so well adapted to increasing our danger of war, that I cannot but suppose they are secretly inclined
- 72 CHAPTER IV WAs.h.i.+NGTON'S DEFENDER His [Marshall's] lax, lounging manners have made him popular.(Jefferson.) Having a high opinion of General Marshall's honor, prudence, and judgment, consult him. (Was.h.i.+ngton.) The man [Was.h.i.+ngton
- 73 But as a matter of practical tactics to get votes, Marshall appears to have put this in the form of an a.s.sertion--no matter what treaty the President and Senate made, the House held the whip hand, he argued, and in the end, could do what it liked; why t
- 74 Marshall, on the contrary, painted in rich colors his picture of this town-hall contest. He thus reports to Hamilton: "I had been informed of the temper of the House of Representatives and we [Richmond Federalists]had promptly taken such measures as
- 75 [365] _Ib._ A pa.s.sage in this letter clearly shows the Federalist opinion of the young Republican Party and suggests the economic line dividing it from the Federalists. "In the present crisis Mr. H.[enry]may reasonably be calculated on as taking th
- 76 [413] Marshall to Was.h.i.+ngton, July 11, 1796; _ib._ [414] Was.h.i.+ngton to Marshall, July 15, 1796; Was.h.i.+ngton's Private Letter Book; MS., Lib. Cong.[415] Was.h.i.+ngton to Marshall, Oct. 10, 1796; _ib._ [416] Marshall to Was.h.i.+ngton, Oct.
- 77 THE MAN AND THE LAWYER Tall, meagre, emaciated, his muscles relaxed, his joints loosely connected, his head small, his complexion swarthy, his countenance expressing great good humor and hilarity. (William Wirt.) Mr. Marshall can hardly be regarded as a l
- 78 Occasionally, however, his humor breaks forth."I cannot appear for Donaghoe," writes Marshall to a country member of the bar who lived in the Valley over the mountains. "I do not decline his business from any objection to his _bank_. To tha
- 79 "Nor does the exercise of it seem to cost him an effort. On the contrary, it is as easy as vision. I am persuaded that his eye does not fly over a landscape and take in its various objects with more prompt.i.tude and facility, than his mind embraces
- 80 (See Jefferson's reference, in his letter to Madison, to Marshall's "lax, lounging manners," _supra_, 139.) [458] Story, in Dillon, iii, 363.[459] Wirt: _The British Spy_, 110-12.[460] Mazzei's _Recherches sur les etats-Unis_, pub
- 81 [505] Kennedy, ii, 76. Mr. Wirt remembered the argument well; but twenty-four years having elapsed, he had forgotten the case in which it was made. He says that it was the Carriage Tax case and that Hamilton was one of the attorneys. But it was the Britis
- 82 [540] Morris to Colston, Feb. 25, 1797; _ib._ [541] Morris to James M. Marshall, April 27, 1797; _ib._ [542] MS. The entry was made in Amsterdam and Morris learned of the loan three months afterwards.[543] Records at Large in Clerk's Office of Circui
- 83 Marshall a.s.sures his wife that his "cabin is neat & clean. My berth a commodious one in which I have my own bed & sheets of which I have a plenty so that I lodge as conveniently as I could do in any place whatever & I find I sleep very soundly alth
- 84 "Many were restrain'd by an unwillingness to take the oath required before a vote could be receiv'd; many, disgusted with the present state of things, have come to the unwise determination of revenging themselves on those whom they charge w
- 85 "To-day being the anniversary of the foundation of the Republic, was celebrated with great pomp by the military at this place. Very few indeed of the inhabitants attended the celebration. Everything in Antwerp wears the appearance of consternation an
- 86 [566] _Am. St. Prs., For. Rel._, ii, 55-63.[567] See condensed summary of the American case in instructions to Pinckney, Marshall, and Gerry; _ib._, 153-57.[568] _Ib._, 64; and for numerous other examples see _ib._, 28-64.[569] Ticknor, ii, 113.[570] Pinc
- 87 [607] _Am. St. Prs., For. Rel._, ii, 158; Marshall's Journal, Official Copy; MS., Ma.s.s. Hist. Soc., 2. The envoys' dispatches to the Secretary of State were prepared by Marshall, largely, from his Journal. Citations will be from the dispatches
- 88 "The existing political state of France is connected with certain internal & powerfully operating causes by which it has been & will continue to be greatly influenc'd. Not the least of these is the tenure by which property is held."In the c
- 89 "They reckon ... upon many friends and partisans among us," wrote the American Minister in London to the American Minister at The Hague.[644]The Directory even had its particular agents in the United States to inflame the American people against their o
- 90 Cong.; or Sparks MSS., Ma.s.s. Hist. Soc.[631] Marshall's Journal, Oct. 26, 12.[632] _Am. St. Prs., For. Rel._, ii, 161-62.[633] Marshall's Journal, Oct. 27, 16-17. This statement of the American case by Marshall is given in the dispatches, which Marsha
- 91 From the same source Pinckney is warned: "You must not appear to suspect what you may really know; ... you must ... save him [Gerry] and, in doing so, prevent the Division that would grow out of a Schism in your Commission." Gerry will be all right, thi
- 92 [Ill.u.s.tration: ELBRIDGE GERRY]Marshall's memorial of the American case remained unread. One of Talleyrand's many secretaries asked Gerry "what it contained? (for they could not take the trouble to read it) and he added that such long letters were no
- 93 At the long last, the interminable Gerry finished his review of Marshall's reply to Talleyrand and made a lengthy and unctuous speech to his colleagues on the righteousness of his own motives. Pinckney, intolerably bored and disgusted, told Gerry what he
- 94 [688] _Am. St. Prs., For. Rel._, ii, 175.[689] _Am. St. Prs., For. Rel._, ii, 175.[690] _Ib._, 176.[691] _Am. St. Prs., For. Rel._, ii, 177.[692] _Ib._, 178.[693] _Am. St. Prs., For. Rel._, ii, 181.[694] _Ib._, 181-82.[695] _Ib._, 182.[696] British Debts
- 95 [737] Marshall to Skipwith, Bordeaux, April 21, 1798; MS., Pa. Hist.Soc.[738] Murray to J. Q. Adams, April 24, 1798; _Letters_: Ford, 399.[739] Same to same, May 18, 1798; _ib._, 407.[740] Pinckney to King, Paris, April 4, 1798, enclosed in a letter to Se
- 96 So gratified were the President, Cabinet, and Federalist leaders in Congress with Marshall's conduct in the X. Y. Z. mission, and so high their opinion of his ability, that Adams tendered him the appointment to the place on the Supreme Bench,[790] made v
- 97 Marshall was on tenter-hooks for fear that Gerry would not leave France before the Directory got wind "of the present temper" of the American people, and would hint to Gerry "insidious propositions ... not with real pacific views but for the purpose of
- 98 [763] Jefferson to Madison, April 6, 1798; _ib._, 403.[764] _Ib._, April 12, 1798; _ib._, 404.[765] Jefferson to Carr, April 12, 1798; _Works_: Ford, viii, 405-06.[766] Madison to Jefferson, April 15, 1798; _Writings_: Hunt, vi, 315.[767] Was.h.i.+ngton t
- 99 [793] Claypoole's _American Daily Advertiser_, Monday, June 25, 1798; and _Gazette of the United States_, Sat.u.r.day, June 23, 1798.[794] _Ib._, June 25, 1798; and June 23, 1798.[795] Adams to Congress, June 21, 1798; _Works_: Adams, ix, 158; and Richar
- 100 [840] Pickering to Marshall, Oct. 19, 1798; _ib._ [841] Cabot to King, April 26, 1798; King, iii, 9.[842] Pickering to Marshall, Nov. 5, 1798; Pickering MSS.[843] Marshall to Pickering, Nov. 12, 1798; _ib._ [844] See next chapter.[845] Marshall to Pickeri