The Travels of Marco Polo
Chapter 48 : Chinghiz and his first successors used the Uighur, and sometimes the Chinese character.

Chinghiz and his first successors used the Uighur, and sometimes the Chinese character. Of the Uighur character we give a specimen in Bk. IV.

It is of Syriac origin, undoubtedly introduced into Eastern Turkestan by the early Nestorian missions, probably in the 8th or 9th century. The oldest known example of this character so applied, the _Kudatku Bilik_, a didactic poem in Uighur (a branch of Oriental Turkish), dating from A.D.

1069, was published by Prof. Vambery in 1870. A new edition of the _Kudatku Bilik_ was published at St. Petersburg, in 1891, by Dr. W.

Radloff. Vambery had a pleasing ill.u.s.tration of the origin of the Uighur character, when he received a visit at Pesth from certain Nestorians of Urumia on a begging tour. On being shown the original MS. of the _Kudatku Bilik_, they read the character easily, whilst much to their astonishment they could not understand a word of what was written. This Uighur is the basis of the modern Mongol and Manchu characters. (Cf. E. Bretschneider, _Mediaeval Researches_, I. pp. 236, 263.)--H. Y. and H. C.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Hexaglot Inscription on the East side of the Kiu Yong Kwan]

[Ill.u.s.tration: Hexaglot Inscription on the West side of the Kiu Yong Kwan]

[At the village of Keuyung Kwan, 40 miles north of Peking, in the sub- prefecture of Ch'ang Ping, in the Chih-li province, the road from Peking to Kalgan runs beyond the pa.s.s of Nankau, under an archway, a view of which will be found at the end of this volume, on which were engraved, in 1345, two large inscriptions in six different languages: Sanskrit, Tibetan, Mongol, _Bashpah_, Uighur, Chinese, and a language unknown till recently. Mr. Wylie's kindness enabled Sir Henry Yule to present a specimen of this. (A much better facsimile of these inscriptions than Wylie's having since been published by Prince Roland Bonaparte in his valuable _Recueil des Doc.u.ments de l'epoque Mongole_, this latter is, by permission, here reproduced.) The Chinese and Mongol inscriptions have been translated by M. Ed. Chavannes; the Tibetan by M. Sylvain Levi (_Jour. Asiat._, Sept.-Oct. 1894, pp. 354-373); the Uighur, by Prof. W.

Radloff (Ibid. Nov.-Dec. 1894, pp. 546, 550); the Mongol by Prof. G. Huth.

(Ibid. Mars-Avril 1895, pp. 351-360.) The sixth language was supposed by A. Wylie (_J. R. A. S._ vol. xvii. p. 331, and N.S., vol. v. p. 14) to be Neuchih, Niuche, Niuchen or Juchen. M. Deveria has shown that the inscription is written in _Si Hia_, or the language of Tangut, and gave a facsimile of a stone stele (_pei_) in this language kept in the great Monastery of the Clouds (Ta Yun Ssu) at Liangchau in Kansuh, together with a translation of the Chinese text, engraved on the reverse side of the slab. M. Deveria thinks that this writing was borrowed by the Kings of Tangut from the one derived in 920 by the Khitans from the Chinese.

(_Stele Si-Hia de Leang-tcheou_ ... _J. As._, 1898; _L'ectriture du royaumes de Si-Hia ou Tangout_, par M. Deveria ... Ext. des Mem ...

presentes a l'Ac. des. Ins. et B. Let. 1'ere Ser. XI., 1898.) Dr. S. W.

Bush.e.l.l in two papers (_Inscriptions in the Juchen and Allied Scripts, Actes du XI. Congres Orientalistes_, Paris, 1897, 2nd. sect., pp. 11, 35, and the _Hsi Hsia Dynasty of Tangut, their Money and their peculiar Script, J. China Br. R. A. S._, x.x.x. N.S. No. 2, pp. 142, 160) has also made a special study of the same subject. The Si Hia writing was adopted by Yuan Ho in 1036, on which occasion he changed the t.i.tle of his reign to Ta Ch'ing, i.e. "Great Good Fortune." Unfortunately, both the late M.

Deveria and Dr. S. W. Bush.e.l.l have deciphered but few of the Si Hia characters.--H. C.]

The orders of the Great Kaan are stated to have been published habitually in six languages, viz., Mongol, Uighur, Arabic, Persian, Tangutan (Si-Hia), and Chinese.--H. Y. and H. C.

Ghazan Khan of Persia is said to have understood Mongol, Arabic, Persian, something of Kashmiri, of Tibetan, of Chinese, and a little of the _Frank_ tongue (probably French).

The annals of the Ming Dynasty, which succeeded the Mongols in China, mention the establishment in the 11th moon of the 5th year Yong-lo (1407) of the _Sse yi kwan_, a linguistic office for diplomatic purposes. The languages to be studied were Niuche, Mongol, Tibetan, Sanskrit, Bokharan (Persian?) Uighur, Burmese, and Siamese. To these were added by the Manchu Dynasty two languages called _Papeh_ and _Pehyih_, both dialects of the S.W. frontier. (See infra, Bk. II. ch. lvi.-lvii., and notes.) Since 1382, however, official interpreters had to translate Mongol texts; they were selected among the Academicians, and their service (which was independent of the _Sse yi kwan_ when this was created) was under the control of the _Han-lin-yuen_. There may have been similar inst.i.tutions under the Yuen, but we have no proof of it. At all events, such an office could not then be called _Sse yi kwan_ (_Sse yi_, Barbarians from four sides); Niuche (Niuchen) was taught in Yong-lo's office, but not Manchu. The _Sse yi kwan_ must not be confounded with the _Hui t'ong kwan_, the office for the reception of tributary envoys, to which it was annexed in 1748. (_Gaubil_, p. 148; _Gold. Horde_, 184; _Ilchan._ II. 147; _Lockhart_ in _J. R. G. S._ x.x.xVI. 152; _Koeppen_, II. 99; G. Deveria, _Hist. du College des Interpretes de Peking_ in _Melanges_ Charles de Harlez, pp. 94-102; MS.

Note of Prof. A. Vissiere; _The Tangut Script in the Nan-K'ou Pa.s.s_, by Dr. S. W. Bush.e.l.l, _China Review_, xxiv. II. pp. 65-68.)--H. Y. and H. C.

Pauthier supposes Mark's four acquisitions to have been _Bashpah-Mongol, Arabic, Uighur_, and _Chinese_. I entirely reject the Chinese. Sir H. Yule adds: "We shall see no reason to believe that he knew either language or character" [Chinese]. The blunders Polo made in saying that the name of the city, Suju, signifies in our tongue "Earth" and Kinsay "Heaven" show he did not know the Chinese characters, but we read in Bk. II. ch.

lxviii.: "And Messer Marco Polo himself, of whom this Book speaks, did govern this city (Yanju) for three full years, by the order of the Great Kaan." It seems to me [H. C.] hardly possible that Marco could have for three years been governor of so important and so Chinese a city as Yangchau, in the heart of the Empire, without acquiring a knowledge of the spoken language.--H. C. The other three languages seem highly probable.

The fourth may have been Tibetan. But it is more likely that he counted separately two varieties of the same character (e.g. of the Arabic and Persian) as two "_lettres de leur escriptures_"--H. Y. and H. C.

NOTE 2.--[Ramusio here adds: "Ad und citta, detta Carazan," which, as we shall see, refers to the Yun-nan Province.]--H. C.

NOTE 3.--From the context no doubt Marco's employments were honourable and confidential; but _Commissioner_ would perhaps better express them than Amba.s.sador in the modern sense. The word _Ilchi_, which was probably in his mind, was applied to a large variety of cla.s.ses employed on the commissions of Government, as we may see from a pa.s.sage of Ras.h.i.+duddin in D'Ohsson, which says that "there were always to be found in every city from one to two hundred _Ilchis_, who forced the citizens to furnish them with free quarters," etc., III. 404. (See also 485.)

CHAPTER XVI.

HOW MARK RETURNED FROM THE MISSION WHEREON HE HAD BEEN SENT.

When Mark returned from his amba.s.sage he presented himself before the Emperor, and after making his report of the business with which he was charged, and its successful accomplishment, he went on to give an account in a pleasant and intelligent manner of all the novelties and strange things that he had seen and heard; insomuch that the Emperor and all such as heard his story were surprised, and said: "If this young man live, he will a.s.suredly come to be a person of great worth and ability." And so from that time forward he was always ent.i.tled MESSER MARCO POLO, and thus we shall style him henceforth in this Book of ours, as is but right.

Thereafter Messer Marco abode in the Kaan's employment some seventeen years, continually going and coming, hither and thither, on the missions that were entrusted to him by the Lord [and sometimes, with the permission and authority of the Great Kaan, on his own private affairs.] And, as he knew all the sovereign's ways, like a sensible man he always took much pains to gather knowledge of anything that would be likely to interest him, and then on his return to Court he would relate everything in regular order, and thus the Emperor came to hold him in great love and favour. And for this reason also he would employ him the oftener on the most weighty and most distant of his missions. These Messer Marco ever carried out with discretion and success, G.o.d be thanked. So the Emperor became ever more partial to him, and treated him with the greater distinction, and kept him so close to his person that some of the Barons waxed very envious thereat.

And thus it came about that Messer Marco Polo had knowledge of, or had actually visited, a greater number of the different countries of the World than any other man; the more that he was always giving his mind to get knowledge, and to spy out and enquire into everything in order to have matter to relate to the Lord.

CHAPTER XVII.

HOW MESSER NICOLO, MESSER MAFFEO, AND MESSER MARCO, ASKED LEAVE OF THE GREAT KAAN TO GO THEIR WAY.

When the Two Brothers and Mark had abode with the Lord all that time that you have been told [having meanwhile acquired great wealth in jewels and gold], they began among themselves to have thoughts about returning to their own country; and indeed it was time. [For, to say nothing of the length and infinite perils of the way, when they considered the Kaan's great age, they doubted whether, in the event of his death before their departure, they would ever be able to get home.[NOTE 1]] They applied to him several times for leave to go, presenting their request with great respect, but he had such a partiality for them, and liked so much to have them about him, that nothing on earth would persuade him to let them go.

Now it came to pa.s.s in those days that the Queen BOLGANA, wife of ARGON, Lord of the Levant, departed this life. And in her Will she had desired that no Lady should take her place, or succeed her as Argon's wife, except one of her own family [which existed in Cathay]. Argon therefore despatched three of his Barons, by name respectively OULATAY, APUSCA, and COJA, as amba.s.sadors to the Great Kaan, attended by a very gallant company, in order to bring back as his bride a lady of the family of Queen Bolgana, his late wife.[NOTE 2]

When these three Barons had reached the Court of the Great Kaan, they delivered their message, explaining wherefore they were come. The Kaan received them with all honour and hospitality, and then sent for a lady whose name was COCACHIN, who was of the family of the deceased Queen Bolgana. She was a maiden of 17, a very beautiful and charming person, and on her arrival at Court she was presented to the three Barons as the Lady chosen in compliance with their demand. They declared that the Lady pleased them well.[NOTE 3]

Meanwhile Messer Marco chanced to return from India, whither he had gone as the Lord's amba.s.sador, and made his report of all the different things that he had seen in his travels, and of the sundry seas over which he had voyaged. And the three Barons, having seen that Messer Nicolo, Messer Maffeo, and Messer Marco were not only Latins, but men of marvellous good sense withal, took thought among themselves to get the three to travel with them, their intention being to return to their country by sea, on account of the great fatigue of that long land journey for a lady. And the amba.s.sadors were the more desirous to have their company, as being aware that those three had great knowledge and experience of the Indian Sea and the countries by which they would have to pa.s.s, and especially Messer Marco. So they went to the Great Kaan, and begged as a favour that he would send the three Latins with them, as it was their desire to return home by sea.

The Lord, having that great regard that I have mentioned for those three Latins, was very loath to do so [and his countenance showed great dissatisfaction]. But at last he did give them permission to depart, enjoining them to accompany the three Barons and the Lady.

NOTE 1.--Pegolotti, in his chapters on mercantile ventures to Cathay, refers to the dangers to which foreigners were always liable on the death of the reigning sovereign. (See _Cathay_, p. 292.)

NOTE 2.--Several ladies of the name of BULUGHAN ("Zibellina") have a place in Mongol-Persian history. The one here indicated, a lady of great beauty and ability, was known as the _Great Khatun_ (or Lady) Bulughan, and was (according to strange Mongol custom) the wife successively of Abaka and of his son ARGHUN, the Argon of the text, Mongol sovereign of Persia. She died on the banks of the Kur in Georgia, 7th April, 1286. She belonged to the Mongol tribe of Bayaut, and was the daughter of Hulaku's Chief Secretary Gugah. (_Ilchan._ I. 374 _et pa.s.sim; Erdmann's Temudschin_, p.

216.)

The names of the Envoys, ULADAI, APUSHKA, and KOJA, are all names met with in Mongol history. And Ras.h.i.+duddin speaks of an Apushka of the Mongol Tribe of Urnaut, who on some occasion was sent as Envoy to the Great Kaan from Persia,--possibly the very person. (See _Erdmann_, 205.)

Of the Lady Cocachin we shall speak below.

NOTE 3.--Ramusio here has the following pa.s.sage, genuine no doubt: "So everything being ready, with a great escort to do honour to the bride of King Argon, the Amba.s.sadors took leave and set forth. But after travelling eight months by the same way that they had come, they found the roads closed, in consequence of wars lately broken out among certain Tartar Princes; so being unable to proceed, they were compelled to return to the Court of the Great Kaan."

CHAPTER XVIII.

HOW THE TWO BROTHERS AND MESSER MARCO TOOK LEAVE OF THE GREAT KAAN, AND RETURNED TO THEIR OWN COUNTRY.

And when the Prince saw that the Two Brothers and Messer Marco were ready to set forth, he called them all three to his presence, and gave them two golden Tablets of Authority, which should secure them liberty of pa.s.sage through all his dominions, and by means of which, whithersoever they should go, all necessaries would be provided for them, and for all their company, and whatever they might choose to order.[NOTE 1] He charged them also with messages to the King of France, the King of England,[NOTE 2] the King of Spain, and the other kings of Christendom. He then caused thirteen s.h.i.+ps to be equipt, each of which had four masts, and often spread twelve sails.[NOTE 3] And I could easily give you all particulars about these, but as it would be so long an affair I will not enter upon this now, but hereafter, when time and place are suitable. [Among the said s.h.i.+ps were at least four or five that carried crews of 250 or 260 men.]

And when the s.h.i.+ps had been equipt, the Three Barons and the Lady, and the Two Brothers and Messer Marco, took leave of the Great Kaan, and went on board their s.h.i.+ps with a great company of people, and with all necessaries provided for two years by the Emperor. They put forth to sea, and after sailing for some three months they arrived at a certain Island towards the South, which is called JAVA,[NOTE 4] and in which there are many wonderful things which we shall tell you all about by-and-bye. Quitting this Island they continued to navigate the Sea of India for eighteen months more before they arrived whither they were bound, meeting on their way also with many marvels, of which we shall tell hereafter.

And when they got thither they found that Argon was dead, so the Lady was delivered to CASAN, his son.

But I should have told you that it is a fact that, when they embarked, they were in number some 600 persons, without counting the mariners; but nearly all died by the way, so that only eight survived.[NOTE 5]

The sovereignty when they arrived was held by KIACATU, so they commended the Lady to him, and executed all their commission. And when the Two Brothers and Messer Marco had executed their charge in full, and done all that the Great Kaan had enjoined on them in regard to the Lady, they took their leave and set out upon their journey.[NOTE 6] And before their departure, Kiacatu gave them four golden tablets of authority, two of which bore gerfalcons, one bore lions, whilst the fourth was plain, and having on them inscriptions which directed that the three Amba.s.sadors should receive honour and service all through the land as if rendered to the Prince in person, and that horses and all provisions, and everything necessary, should be supplied to them. And so they found in fact; for throughout the country they received ample and excellent supplies of everything needful; and many a time indeed, as I may tell you, they were furnished with 200 hors.e.m.e.n, more or less, to escort them on their way in safety. And this was all the more needful because Kiacatu was not the legitimate Lord, and therefore the people had less scruple to do mischief than if they had had a lawful prince.[NOTE 7]

Another thing too must be mentioned, which does credit to those three Amba.s.sadors, and shows for what great personages they were held. The Great Kaan regarded them with such trust and affection, that he had confided to their charge the Queen Cocachin, as well as the daughter of the King of Manzi,[NOTE 8] to conduct to Argon the Lord of all the Levant. And those two great ladies who were thus entrusted to them they watched over and guarded as if they had been daughters of their own, until they had transferred them to the hands of their Lord; whilst the ladies, young and fair as they were, looked on each of those three as a father, and obeyed them accordingly. Indeed, both Casan, who is now the reigning prince, and the Queen Cocachin his wife, have such a regard for the Envoys that there is nothing they would not do for them. And when the three Amba.s.sadors took leave of that Lady to return to their own country, she wept for sorrow at the parting.

What more shall I say? Having left Kiacatu they travelled day by day till they came to Trebizond, and thence to Constantinople, from Constantinople to Negropont, and from Negropont to Venice. And this was in the year 1295 of Christ's Incarnation.

And now that I have rehea.r.s.ed all the Prologue as you have heard, we shall begin the Book of the Description of the Divers Things that Messer Marco met with in his Travels.