The Travels of Marco Polo
Chapter 71 : With regard to the effect upon fire ascribed to the "great cold,"Ramusio'

With regard to the effect upon fire ascribed to the "great cold,"

Ramusio's version inserts the expression "_gli fu affermato per miracolo_," "it was a.s.serted to him as a wonderful circ.u.mstance." And Humboldt thinks it so strange that Marco should not have observed this personally that he doubts whether Polo himself pa.s.sed the Pamir. "How is it that he does not say that he himself had seen how the flames disperse and leap about, as I myself have so often experienced at similar alt.i.tudes in the Cordilleras of the Andes, especially when investigating the boiling-point of water?" (_Cent. Asia_, Germ. Transl. I. 588.) But the words quoted from Ramusio do not exist in the old texts, and they are probably an editorial interpolation indicating disbelief in the statement.

MM. Huc and Gabet made a like observation on the high pa.s.ses of north-eastern Tibet: "The _argols_ gave out much smoke, but would not burn with any flame"; only they adopted the native idea that this as well as their own sufferings in respiration was caused by some pernicious exhalation.

Major Montgomerie, R.E., of the Indian Survey, who has probably pa.s.sed more time nearer the heavens than any man living, sends me the following note on this pa.s.sage: "What Marco Polo says as to fire at great alt.i.tudes not cooking so effectually as usual is perfectly correct as far as anything _boiled_ is concerned, but I doubt if it is as to anything _roasted_. The want of brightness in a fire at great alt.i.tudes is, I think, altogether attributable to the poorness of the fuel, which consists of either small sticks or bits of roots, or of _argols_ of dung, all of which give out a good deal of smoke, more especially the latter if not quite dry; but I have often seen a capital blaze made with the argols when perfectly dry. As to cooking, we found that rice, _dal_, and potatoes would never soften properly, no matter how long they were boiled. This, of course, was due to the boiling-point being only from 170 to 180. Our tea, moreover, suffered from the same cause, and was never good when we were over 15,000 feet. This was very marked. Some of my natives made dreadful complaints about the rice and dal that they got from the village-heads in the valleys, and vowed that they only gave them what was very old and hard, as they could not soften it!"

[Ill.u.s.tration: MARCO POLO'S ITINERARIES No. III Regions on and near the Upper Oxus]

NOTE 3.--Bolor is a subject which it would take several pages to discuss with fulness, and I must refer for such fuller discussion to a paper in the _J. R. G. S._ vol. xlii. p. 473.

The name _Bolor_ is very old, occurring in Hiuen Tsang's Travels (7th century), and in still older Chinese works of like character. General Cunningham has told us that Balti is still termed _Balor_ by the Dards of Gilghit; and Mr. Shaw, that _Palor_ is an old name still sometimes used by the Kirghiz for the upper part of Chitral. The indications of Hiuen Tsang are in accordance with General Cunningham's information; and the fact that Chitral is described under the name of Bolor in Chinese works of the last century entirely justifies that of Mr. Shaw. A Pushtu poem of the 17th century, translated by Major Raverty, a.s.signs the mountains of _Bilaur_-istan, as the northern boundary of Swat. The collation of these indications shows that the term Bolor must have been applied somewhat extensively to the high regions adjoining the southern margin of Pamir.

And a pa.s.sage in the _Tarikh Ras.h.i.+di_, written at Kashgar in the 16th century by a cousin of the great Baber, affords us a definition of the tract to which, in its larger sense, the name was thus applied: "_Malaur_ (i.e. Balaur or Bolor) ... is a country with few level spots. It has a circuit of four months' march. The eastern frontier borders on Kashgar and Yarkand; it has Badakhshan to the north, Kabul to the west, and Kashmir to the south." The writer was thoroughly acquainted with his subject, and the region which he so defines must have embraced Sirikol and all the wild country south of Yarkand, Balti, Gilghit, Yasin, Chitral, and perhaps Kafiristan. This enables us to understand Polo's use of the term.

The name of Bolor in later days has been in a manner a symbol of controversy. It is prominent in the apocryphal travels of George Ludwig von ----, preserved in the Military Archives at St. Petersburg. That work represents a town of Bolor as existing to the north of Badakhshan, with Wakhan still further to the north. This geography we now know to be entirely erroneous, but it is in full accordance with the maps and tables of the Jesuit missionaries and their pupils, who accompanied the Chinese troops to Kashgar in 1758-1759. The paper in the _Geographical Society's Journal_, which has been referred to, demonstrates how these erroneous data must have originated. It shows that the Jesuit geography was founded on downright accidental error, and, as a consequence, that the narratives which profess _de visu_ to corroborate that geography must be downright forgeries. When the first edition was printed, I retained the belief in a _Bolor_ where the Jesuits placed it.

[The Chinese traveller, translated by M. Gueluy (_Desc. de la Chine occid._ p. 53), speaks of Bolor, to the west of Yarkand, inhabited by Mahomedans who live in huts; the country is sandy and rather poor.

Severtsof says, (_Bul. Soc. Geog._ XI. 1890, p. 591) that he believes that the name of _Bolor_ should be expunged from geographical nomenclature as a source of confusion and error. Humboldt, with his great authority, has too definitely attached this name to an erroneous orographical system.

Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon says that he "made repeated enquiries from Kirghiz and Wakhis, and from the Mir [of Wakhan], Fatteh Ali Shah, regarding 'Bolor,' as a name for any mountain, country, or place, but all professed perfect ignorance of it." (_Forsyth's Mission._)--H. C.]

The _J. A. S. Bengal_ for 1853 (vol. xxii.) contains extracts from the diary of a Mr. Gardiner in those central regions of Asia. These read more like the memoranda of a dyspeptic dream than anything else, and the only pa.s.sage I can find ill.u.s.trative of our traveller is the following; the region is described as lying twenty days south-west of Kashgar: "The Keiaz tribe live in caves on the highest peaks, subsist by hunting, keep no flocks, said to be anthropophagous, but have handsome women; eat their flesh raw." (P. 295; _Pelerins Boud._ III. 316, 421, etc.; _Ladak_, 34, 45, 47; _Mag. Asiatique_, I. 92, 96-97; _Not. et Ext._ II. 475, XIV. 492; _J. A. S. B._ x.x.xI. 279; Mr. R. Shaw in _Geog. Proceedings_, XVI. 246, 400; _Notes regarding Bolor_, etc., _J. R. G. S._ XLII. 473.)

As this sheet goes finally to press we hear of the exploration of Pamir by officers of Mr. Forsyth's Mission. [I have made use of the information collected by them.--H. C.]

[1] "Yet this barren and inaccessible upland, with its scanty handful of wild people, finds a place in Eastern history and geography from an early period, and has now become the subject of serious correspondence between two great European Governments, and its name, for a few weeks at least, a household word in London. Indeed, this is a striking accident of the course of modern history. We see the Slav and the Englishman--representatives of two great branches of the Aryan race, but divided by such vast intervals of s.p.a.ce and time from the original common starting-point of their migration--thus brought back to the lap of Pamir to which so many quivering lines point as the centre of their earliest seats, there by common consent to lay down limits to mutual encroachment." (_Quarterly Review_, April, 1873, p. 548.)

[2] Ibn Haukal reckons Wakhan as an Indian country. It is a curious coincidence (it can scarcely be more) that _Nono_ in the Garo tongue of Eastern Bengal signifies "a younger brother." (_J. A. S. B._ XXII.

153, XVIII. 208.)

[3] According to Colonel Tod, the Hindu bard Chand speaks of "Pamer, chief of mountains." (I. p. 24.) But one may like and respect Colonel Tod without feeling able to rely on such quotations of his unconfirmed.

[4] Usually written _Polii_, which is nonsense.

[5] ["The Tian Shan wild sheep has since been described as the _Ovis Karelini_, a species somewhat smaller than the true _Ovis Poli_ which frequents the Pamirs." (Colonel Gordon, _Roof of the World_, p. 83, note.)--H. C.]

CHAPTER x.x.xIII.

OF THE KINGDOM OF CASCAR.

[Ill.u.s.tration: Head of a Native of Kashgar]

Cascar is a region lying between north-east and east, and const.i.tuted a kingdom in former days, but now it is subject to the Great Kaan. The people wors.h.i.+p Mahommet. There are a good number of towns and villages, but the greatest and finest is Cascar itself. The inhabitants live by trade and handicrafts; they have beautiful gardens and vineyards, and fine estates, and grow a great deal of cotton. From this country many merchants go forth about the world on trading journeys. The natives are a wretched, n.i.g.g.ardly set of people; they eat and drink in miserable fas.h.i.+on. There are in the country many Nestorian Christians, who have churches of their own. The people of the country have a peculiar language, and the territory extends for five days' journey.[NOTE 1]

[Ill.u.s.tration: View of Kashgar (From Shaw's "Tartary")]

NOTE 1.--[There is no longer any difficulty in understanding how the travellers, after crossing Pamir, should have arrived at Kashgar if they followed the route from Tashkurgan through the Gez Defile.

The Itinerary of the Mirza from Badakhshan (Faizabad) is the following: Zebak, Ishkashm, on the Panja, which may be considered the beginning of the Wakhan Valley, Panja Fort, in Wakhan, Raz Khan, Patur, near Lunghar (commencement of Pamir Steppe), Pamir Kul, or Barkut Ya.s.sin, 13,300 feet, Aktash, Sirikul Tashkurgan, Shukrab, Chichik Dawan, Akul, Kotul, Chahul Station (road to Yarkand) Kila Karawal, Aghiz Gah, Yangi-Hissar, Opechan, Yanga Shahr, Kashgar, where he arrived on the 3rd February, 1869. (Cf.

_Report of "The Mirza's" Exploration from Caubul to Kashgar_. By Major T.

G. Montgomerie, R.E.... (_Jour. R. Geog. Soc._ XLI. 1871, pp. 132-192.)

Major Montgomerie (l.c. p. 144) says: "The alterations in the positions of Kashgar and Yarkund in a great measure explains why Marco Polo, in crossing from Badakhshan to Eastern Turkestan, went first to Kashgar and then to Yarkund. With the old positions of Yarkund and Kashgar it appeared that the natural route from Badakhshan would have led first to Yarkund; with the new positions, and guided by the light of the Mirza's route, from which it is seen that the direct route to Yarkund is not a good one, it is easy to understand how a traveller might prefer going to Kashgar first, and then to Yarkund. It is satisfactory to have elicited this further proof of the general accuracy of the great traveller's account of his journey through Central Asia."

The Itinerary of Lieutenant-Colonel Gordon (_Sirikol, the Pamirs and Wakhan_, ch. vi. of _Forsyth's Mission to Yarkund in_ 1873) runs thus: "Left Kashgar (21st March), Yangi-Hissar, Kaskasu Pa.s.s, descent to Chihil Gumbaz (forty Domes), where the road branches off to Yarkand (110 miles), Torut Pa.s.s, Tangi-Tar (defile), 'to the foot of a great elevated slope leading to the Chichiklik Pa.s.s, plain, and lake (14,700 feet), below the Yambulak and Kok-Moinok Pa.s.ses, which are used later in the season on the road between Yangi-Hissar and Sirikol, to avoid the Tangi-Tar and s.h.i.+ndi defiles. As the season advances, these pa.s.ses become free from snow, while the defiles are rendered dangerous and difficult by the rush of the melting snow torrents. From the Chichiklik plain we proceeded down the s.h.i.+ndi ravine, over an extremely bad stony road, to the Sirikol River, up the banks of which we travelled to Tashkurgan, reaching it on the tenth day from Yangi-Hissar. The total distance is 125 miles.' Then Tashkurgan (ancient name _Vars.h.i.+di_): 'the open part of the Sirikol Valley extends from about 8 miles below Tashkurgan to apparently a very considerable distance towards the Kunjut mountain range;' left Tashkurgan for Wakhan (2nd April, 1873); leave Sirikol Valley, enter the s.h.i.+ndan defile, reach the aktash Valley, follow the aktash stream (called aksu by the Kirghiz) through the Little Pamir to the Ghazkul (Little Pamir) Lake or Barkat Ya.s.sin, from which it takes its rise, four days from Tashkurgan. Little Pamir 'is bounded on the south by the continuation of the Neza Tash range, which separates it from the Taghdungbash Pamir,' west of the lake, Langar, Sarhadd, 30 miles from Langar, and seven days from Sirikol, and Kila Panj, twelve days from Sirikol."--H. C.]

[I cannot admit with Professor Paquier (l.c. pp. 127-128) that Marco Polo did not visit Kashgar.--Grenard (II. p. 17) makes the remark that it took Marco Polo seventy days from Badakhshan to Kashgar, a distance that, in the Plain of Turkestan, he shall cross in sixteen days.--The Chinese traveller, translated by M. Gueluy (_Desc. de la Chine occidentale_, p.

45), says that the name Kashgar is made of _Kash_, fine colour, and _gar_, brick house.--H. C.]

Kashgar was the capital, from 1865 to 1877, of Ya'kub Kushbegi, a soldier of fortune, by descent it is said a Tajik of s.h.i.+ghnan, who, when the Chinese yoke was thrown off, made a throne for himself in Eastern Turkestan, and subjected the whole basin to his authority, taking the t.i.tle of _Atalik Ghazi_.

It is not easy to see how Kashgar should have been subject to the Great Kaan, except in the sense in which all territories under Mongol rule owed him homage. Yarkand, Polo acknowledges to have belonged to Kaidu, and the boundary between Kaidu's territory and the Kaan's lay between Karashahr and Komul [Bk. I. ch. xli.], much further east.

[Bretschneider, _Med. Res._ (II. p. 47), says: "Marco Polo states with respect to the kingdom of _Cascar_ (I. 189) that it was subject to the Great Khan, and says the same regarding _Cotan_ (I. 196), whilst _Yarcan_ (I. 195), according to Marco Polo, belonged to Kaidu. This does not agree with Ras.h.i.+d's statements about the boundary between Kaidu's territory and the Khan's."--H. C.]

Kashgar was at this time a Metropolitan See of the Nestorian Church.

(_Cathay_, etc. 275, ccxlv.)

Many strange sayings have been unduly ascribed to our traveller, but I remember none stranger than this by Colonel Tod: "_Marco Polo calls Cashgar, where he was in the 6th century_, the birthplace of the Swedes"!

(_Rajasthan_, I. 60.) Petis de la Croix and Tod between them are answerable for this nonsense. (See _The Hist. of Genghizcan the Great_, p.

116.)

On _cotton_, see ch. x.x.xvi.--On Nestorians, see Kanchau.

CHAPTER x.x.xIV.

OF THE GREAT CITY OF SAMARCAN.

Samarcan is a great and n.o.ble city towards the north-west, inhabited by both Christians and Saracens, who are subject to the Great Kaan's nephew, CAIDOU by name; he is, however, at bitter enmity with the Kaan.[NOTE 1]

I will tell you of a great marvel that happened at this city.

[Ill.u.s.tration: View of Samarcand. (From a sketch by Mr. Ivanoff.) "Samarcan est une grandisme cite et n.o.ble."]

It is not a great while ago that SIGATAY, own brother to the Great Kaan, who was Lord of this country and of many an one besides, became a Christian.[NOTE 2] The Christians rejoiced greatly at this, and they built a great church in the city, in honour of John the Baptist; and by his name the church was called. And they took a very fine stone which belonged to the Saracens, and placed it as the pedestal of a column in the middle of the church, supporting the roof. It came to pa.s.s, however, that Sigatay died. Now the Saracens were full of rancour about that stone that had been theirs, and which had been set up in the church of the Christians; and when they saw that the Prince was dead, they said one to another that now was the time to get back their stone, by fair means or by foul. And that they might well do, for they were ten times as many as the Christians. So they gat together and went to the church and said that the stone they must and would have. The Christians acknowledged that it was theirs indeed, but offered to pay a large sum of money and so be quit. Howbeit, the others replied that they never would give up the stone for anything in the world.

And words ran so high that the Prince heard thereof, and ordered the Christians either to arrange to satisfy the Saracens, if it might be, with money, or to give up the stone. And he allowed them three days to do either the one thing or the other.

What shall I tell you? Well, the Saracens would on no account agree to leave the stone where it was, and this out of pure despite to the Christians, for they knew well enough that if the stone were stirred the church would come down by the run. So the Christians were in great trouble and wist not what to do. But they did do the best thing possible; they besought Jesus Christ that he would consider their case, so that the holy church should not come to destruction, nor the name of its Patron Saint, John the Baptist, be tarnished by its ruin. And so when the day fixed by the Prince came round, they went to the church betimes in the morning, and lo, they found the stone removed from under the column; the foot of the column was without support, and yet it bore the load as stoutly as before!

Between the foot of the column and the ground there was a s.p.a.ce of three palms. So the Saracens had away their stone, and mighty little joy withal.

It was a glorious miracle, nay, it _is_ so, for the column still so standeth, and will stand as long as G.o.d pleaseth.[NOTE 3]

Now let us quit this and continue our journey.