The Letters of Queen Victoria
Chapter 157 : [Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S DECISION]_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._ OSBORNE

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S DECISION]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _14th December 1846._

The Queen has still to acknowledge Lord John Russell's letter of the 11th. She has carefully read the Duke of Wellington's letter to Lord John, which evinces all the Duke's honourable feelings. He should certainly be relieved from the appearance of having refused honours to others, but agreed to the granting of them the moment it was intended to couple the measure with an honour conferred upon himself. On the other hand, the Queen still wishes the step to be taken as a means of doing honour to the Duke. His name should, therefore, certainly be connected with it. The introduction of the names of other commanders, even of that of Sir John Moore, the Queen does not think advisable.

She does not quite understand from Lord John's letter whether he proposes to adopt the Duke's recommendation to _re_-issue all the medals formerly granted, or to adhere to the original idea of striking a new one. In the latter case, which appears the most natural, the word "Peninsula" would cover all the campaigns, and in these the Duke of Wellington had by far so much the greatest share that his name being introduced on _all_ the medals cannot be considered as anomalous.

[Pageheading: CRACOW]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

OSBORNE, _14th December 1846._

The Queen returns the enclosed private letters.[31] The view Lord Palmerston takes of the affair of Cracow appears to the Queen a very sound one, and she would much wish to see the plan of a conference realised against which Lord Ponsonby does not bring any very relevant reasons. Prince Metternich's plan of a declaration "that the case is to be considered an exceptional one and not to afford a precedent to other powers" is too absurd. The Prince very justly compared it to the case of a person giving another a box on the ear and declaring at the same time that he is to consider it as exceptional, and that it is in no way to afford him a precedent for returning it. The Queen hopes the Cabinet will well consider the question, and contrive to find means to prevent the evil consequences of the unjustifiable step against Cracow by speaking out in time, before Russia or France may have decided on acts of further infraction of the Treaty of Vienna. It seems quite clear that Russia was at the bottom of the measure relative to Cracow, and it is therefore but reasonable to expect that she has an ulterior object in view.

[Footnote 31: The first ill fruits of the disruption of the _entente_ between England and France were seen in the active co-operation of Russia, Prussia, and Austria to destroy Polish independence. See _ante_, p. 72.]

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XVI

During the year 1847 the Parliament which had been elected in 1841 with a great Tory majority was dissolved, and, as a result, the position of the Whig Ministry was slightly improved; but they were still dependent on the support of Sir Robert Peel. A Factory Act limiting the labour of women and children to ten hours a day was pa.s.sed. An autumn session was rendered necessary by an acute financial crisis, the Ministry having authorised the Bank of England to infringe the provisions of the recent Bank Charter Act, and as a consequence being compelled to ask Parliament for an indemnity. The knowledge of the Bank's authority to issue notes beyond the prescribed limits was of itself sufficient to allay the panic. The Church of England was convulsed by the promotion of Dr Hampden, whom Lord Melbourne had made Regius Professor of Divinity at Oxford, to the See of Hereford; his orthodoxy was impugned in a memorial presented by thirteen bishops to the Prime Minister, and an unsuccessful application was made to the Queen's Bench (the Court being divided in opinion) to compel the Primate to hear objections to Dr Hampden's consecration. The new House of Lords was used for the first time this year.

Perhaps the most important event in France was the cold-blooded murder of the d.u.c.h.esse de Praslin (daughter of Count Sebastiani, formerly French Amba.s.sador in England) by her husband, an incident which, like the Spanish intrigue of 1846, contributed subsequently to the downfall of the Orleanist dynasty.

Switzerland was torn by internecine strife, partly owing to the existence, side by side, of Catholic and Protestant cantons; the proposed expulsion of Jesuits and the formation of the "Sonderbund"

were the questions of the day. The latter was an offensive and defensive confederation of seven cantons, and civil war raged round the question of its legality.

In Italy the death of Pope Gregory XVI. and the election of a more liberal successor induced Lord John Russell to send his father-in-law, Lord Minto, the Lord Privy Seal, on a special mission to the new Pope Pius IX., to encourage him in the path of Reform. But more violent measures were in progress, and it was soon clear that Lombardy and Venetia were rising against Austria, and the way being paved for the Unity of Italy.

Spain was in a ferment, frequent changes of Ministry taking place, and the miserable marriage of the Queen having all the evil results antic.i.p.ated in England. Portugal continued in a state of civil war, the British attempting to mediate, but the revolutionary Junta refused to abide by their terms, and ultimately armed intervention became necessary.

CHAPTER XVI

1847

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

WINDSOR CASTLE, _7th January 1847._

The turn which the Portuguese affairs are now likely to take is really very satisfactory. The Queen is sure that the Court will not allow violent measures of revenge to be taken against the vanquished party nor the overthrow of a Const.i.tutional Government; but the Queen of Portugal will have to punish those who have broken their oath of allegiance, and will have to remove from the country those who would infallibly ere long plunge the country afresh into those _horrors_ from which it is just emerging. The further infusion of democracy into the Charter would at this moment be quite misplaced, but this opportunity should be taken by the Queen of Portugal to _establish_ a _state_ of _legality_ and _security_, by compelling any new Ministry to lay the accounts every year before the Cortes (which has not been done for the last ten years, either by Progressistas, Septembristas, or others), by establis.h.i.+ng irremovable judges, and appointing thereto incorruptible persons, by _honestly and fairly_ distributing the patronage in the Army--apart from the party--which will now be possible as the King has the command himself, and by adopting such measures of _internal_ improvement as will promote the _material_ welfare of the people.

_These_ are the principles which the Queen would wish to see _her_ representative urge upon the Portuguese Court and Government, and she has no doubt that they are in perfect conformity with Lord John Russell's own views. The Queen cannot help repeating that the tone and bearing of Mr Southern are more those of a Portuguese Demagogue than of an English Representative.

[Pageheading: A CONCILIATORY POLICY]

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

TUILERIES, _15th January 1847._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--I am truly happy to learn what you say about your feelings on those troublesome politics; I can a.s.sure you that many people who are, in fact, quite indifferent to politics, _rencherissent_ in expressions of dislike and contempt _seulement_, because they believe that you have those opinions. Many wise people repeat sayings which they a.s.sume to come from your own mouth, such, for instance, "that Louis Philippe could never be trusted, being, after all, an old fox," etc.

The King's Speech was as un.o.bjectionable as possible. I trust that there will be no _bitterness_ in yours. It is as much, if not more, in the interest of Great Britain to keep France quiet and continuing a peaceable policy than in that of France. France, as the old Duke once said with great truth, has been already _under water several times, what could be spoiled has been spoiled_, what remains _is pretty solid_. To attack France in France would lead to the most dangerous consequences. In general, if we get once a great war again you will be sure to have everywhere revolutions, and to imagine that you will escape in England all reactions would be a grievous mistake. When one looks to the changes, brought about in England in consequence of the Revolution of July, one is quite astounded. Here they changed nothing but the dynasty, in England _the very spirit of the old Monarchy has been abolished_, and what will be, in the course of time, the consequences, it is not easy to tell. A bad Const.i.tution acts strongly on the people. Look to America, even to Belgium. Ever, my dearest Victoria, your devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Pageheading: ENGLAND AND PORTUGAL]

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _14th February 1847._

Lord John Russell's memorandum contains two different questions. The one is this: how far the interests of England require an interference in the affairs of Portugal for the restoration of peace in that country and the preservation of its Throne, and how far England is bound by existing treaties to interfere.

As to this question, it appears from Lord John's memorandum that the ancient treaties having reference to _foreign_ invasion only are inapplicable to the present case, that the Quadruple Treaty would revive on the appearance of Dom Miguel in Portugal, that an understanding with Spain ought to be come to for its execution, but Lord John does not make any specific proposal.

The other question is, what wrongs the Queen, the Ministers, and the rebels may have done to bring about the present state of affairs. This the Queen conceives can only be decided by a _most minute, impartial, and anxious scrutiny_. She indignantly rejects the notion to leave this decision to Mr Southern.... Lord John's statement contains, however, nothing but the echo of his reports.

Lord John will upon reflection admit that to say "that recent events exhibit a spirit of tyranny and cruelty in the Portuguese Government _without a parallel_ in any part of Europe," there, where not _one_ execution has taken place, is rather a strong expression.

That the cruelties and miseries inseparable from a Civil War are to be deplored, there can be no doubt of, and it is in order to stop a further continuance and perhaps aggravation of these horrors, that the Queen is so anxious to see the struggle brought to an early termination.

The Queen hopes to see Lord John to-morrow at three o'clock, when she hopes that he will be able to submit a definitive step.