The Letters of Queen Victoria
Chapter 163 : _25th November 1847._ ... I hear with delight and thankfulness that it has pleased you

_25th November 1847._

... I hear with delight and thankfulness that it has pleased your Majesty to agree to a Conference for regulating the dreadful Swiss quarrels.[24] I took the liberty to propose my beloved and truly amiable town of Neuchatel as the place for the Conference, not only because its position in neutral territory and in Switzerland herself qualifies it above every other place for that purpose, but _particularly_ because this meeting of the representatives of the great Powers there would protect it and the courageous and faithful country of Neuchatel from indignities, spoliation, and all the _horrors_ which oppress at this moment the unfortunate and far from courageous Fribourg. I am afraid that your Majesty has not a full appreciation of the people and the partisans who fill Switzerland with murders and the miseries of the most abominable Civil War. Your Majesty's happy realms have centuries ago pa.s.sed through the "phase"

of such horrors, and with you the state of parties has been (as one says here) grown in bottles,[25] under the glorious Const.i.tution given by G.o.d and History, but _not_ "made"; but there, in Switzerland, a party is becoming victorious!!! which, notwithstanding the exercise of Christian charity, can only be called "_Gottlos und Rechtlos_"

(without G.o.d and without right). For Germany, the saving of Switzerland from the hands of the Radicals is _simply_ a _vital question_. If they are victorious there, in Germany likewise torrents of blood will flow; I will answer for that. The murder of Kings, Priests, and Aristocrats is no empty sound with them, and Civil War in song, writing, word, and deed, is their watchword. "Toute charite bien entendue commence par soi-meme." So they begin with their own country, true to this "Christian" (!) motto. If they are allowed to proceed, surely they _won't stop there_. Thousands of emigrated malefactors wait only for a sign (which their comrades and allies in Germany will not be backward in giving) to pour forth beyond the German frontier.

In Germany the PEOPLE are just as little fond of them as they were in Switzerland, but the experience of Switzerland teaches us that that alone cannot stem their victorious march, if circ.u.mstances are favourable to them. The German people rely upon their Governments, and do nothing, but Governments are weakened by the modern Liberalism (the precursor of Radicalism, as the dying of chickens precedes the Cholera) and will have to take the consequences of their own negligence. Notwithstanding people and princes, that G.o.dless band will march through Germany, because, though small, it is strong through being united and determined. All this I have pondered in my head and heart (led, so to say, by the hand of History), and that has prompted me now to propose that the German Confederation (which _en parenthese_ includes a population of more than forty millions) should appear as one of the great Powers of Europe at the settlement of the Swiss dispute, and should be admitted as such by the other great Powers.

_Would your Majesty do justice, and give_ PROTECTION _to this idea_?...

F. W.

[Footnote 24: _See_ Introductory Note for the year, _ante_, p.

115.]

[Footnote 25: As old wine improves by being kept in bottles.]

[Pageheading: THE QUEEN'S REPLY]

_Queen Victoria to the King of Prussia._

OSBORNE, _5th December 1847._

Since your letter was written events have followed each other so rapidly that at this moment the war in Switzerland may be considered as terminated; by the capitulations of the Cantons formerly const.i.tuting the Sonderbund, _two_ parties, between which a mediation of the great Powers could have taken place, have ceased to exist, and consequently mediation and the Conference resulting from it are in fact no longer necessary or possible. I had proposed London as the place of conference, but should with pleasure have waived this proposition to adopt the place which you have expressed a wish of seeing fixed for that purpose, viz. Neuchatel, and I should have felt truly happy if by so doing I could have met your wishes, and given further protection to the princ.i.p.ality against possible aggressions on the part of the Federal Government of Switzerland. As matters now stand, the only complication which might arise is that between Neuchatel and the Diet. I have, in antic.i.p.ation of any such event, instructed Sir Stratford Canning to exert himself to his utmost to dissuade the Diet from any plan of aggression on your territory, and he has been furnished with an able and elaborate state paper for his guidance, which Chevalier Bunsen had drawn up, discussing the legal merits of the case. Should events prove that Sir S. Canning did not arrive in time, or had not the power of averting a hostile step against Neuchatel, you may rely upon my readiness at all times to put my good offices at your disposal. Should a conference upon Swiss affairs still become necessary, I conceive that the only plea upon which the great Powers could meet in conference would be their having guaranteed the independence and neutrality of Switzerland, and by implication the Federal Compact amongst the Cantons. This has not been the case with regard to the German Confederation, and I do not readily see in consequence how the Confederation could be admitted into this Conference, however much I confess I would like to see Germany take her place amongst the Powers of Europe, to which her strength and population fairly ent.i.tle her. I may say that my Government are equally impressed with me with the importance of German unity and strength and of this strength weighing in the balance of power of Europe; I am sure that the English public generally share this feeling, but I must not conceal from your Majesty that much would depend upon the manner in which this power was represented. Much as the English would like to see this power represented by the enlightened councils of your Majesty, they would be animated with very different feelings in seeing it in the hands of Prince Metternich ...

VICTORIA R.

_Queen Victoria to Lord John Russell._

OSBORNE, _19th December 1847._

The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of several letters from Lord John Russell. She was pleased to see that the Debates have been brought to such a satisfactory conclusion, all the propositions of the Government having pa.s.sed with such good majorities. The Queen must mention to Lord John that she was a little shocked at Sir Charles Wood in his speech upon the Commission of Inquiry, designating the _future Government_, and selecting Lord George Bentinck, Mr Disraeli(!), and Mr Herries as the persons destined to hold _high offices_ in the next Government.

The Bishops behave extremely ill about Dr Hampden, and the Bishop of Exeter[26] is gone so far, in the Queen's opinion, that he might be prosecuted for it, in calling the Act settling the supremacy on the Crown a _foul act_ and _the Magna Charta of Tyranny_.

The Queen is glad to hear that Lord John is quite recovered. We are going to Windsor the day after to-morrow.

[Footnote 26: Henry Phillpotts, Bishop of Exeter, 1830-1869.]

[Pageheading: LORD MELBOURNE]

_Viscount Melbourne to Queen Victoria._

BROCKET HALL, _30th December 1847._

Lord Melbourne presents his humble duty to your Majesty. He has received with great pleasure your Majesty's letter of this morning, and reciprocates with the most cordial heartiness your Majesty's good wishes of the season, both for your Majesty and His Royal Highness.

Lord Melbourne is pretty well in health, perhaps rather better than he has been, but low and depressed in spirits for a cause which has long pressed upon his mind, but which he has never before communicated to your Majesty. Lord Melbourne has for a long time found himself much straitened in his pecuniary circ.u.mstances, and these embarra.s.sments are growing now every day more and more urgent, so that he dreads before long that he shall be obliged to add another to the list of failures and bankruptcies of which there have lately been so many.

This is the true reason why Lord Melbourne has always avoided the honour of the Garter, when pressed upon him by his late Majesty and also by your Majesty. Lord Melbourne knows that the expense of accepting the blue ribbon amounts to 1000, and there has been of late years no period at which it would not have been seriously inconvenient to Lord Melbourne to lay down such a sum.[27]

[Footnote 27: The Queen, through the agency of Mr Anson, advanced Lord Melbourne a considerable sum of money, which seems to have been repaid at his death. Apparently Lord Melbourne's declining health caused him to magnify his difficulties. The report which Mr Anson made shows that he was in no sense seriously embarra.s.sed.]

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

TO CHAPTER XVII

At the outset of the year 1848 great alarm was felt throughout England at the supposed inadequacy of her defences, a panic being caused by the indiscreet publication of a confidential letter from the Duke of Wellington to Sir John Burgoyne, to the effect that in his judgment the whole South Coast was open to invasion, and that there were no means of opposing a hostile force. The Government turned its attention to reconstructing the Militia, and raising the Income Tax for the purpose. But the outlook was completely changed by the French Revolution; Louis Philippe, who had just lost his sister and counsellor, Madame Adelade, impulsively abdicated, on a rising taking place, and escaped with his family to this country. England and Belgium were unaffected by the outburst of revolution which convulsed Europe: the Emperor of Austria was forced to abdicate, and Metternich, like Guizot, became a fugitive; Prussia was shaken to her foundation, and throughout Germany the movement in favour of representative inst.i.tutions made rapid headway; a National a.s.sembly for Germany was const.i.tuted, and Schleswig was claimed as an integral part of the German dominions. In Italy also the Revolution, though premature, was serious. The Pope, not yet reactionary, declared war against Austria; the Milanese rose against Radetzky, the Austrian Governor, and King Charles Albert of Sardinia marched to their a.s.sistance. A republic was proclaimed in Venice, but these successes were afterwards nullified, and a Sicilian rising against Ferdinand II. of Naples was suppressed.

In France the revolutionary movement held steadily on its course, a National a.s.sembly was elected, and national workshops established; Louis Bonaparte, who had been a fugitive in England, was allowed to return, and was elected President of the Republic by an immense majority of the popular vote.

The friends of Revolution had no success in England; a very serious riot at Glasgow was dispersed, and the meeting convened by Feargus O'Connor for the 10th of April on Kennington Common, which was to carry a huge pet.i.tion in favour of the People's Charter to the House of Commons, proved a ridiculous _fiasco_. Ireland was much disturbed during the year by what was known as the Young Ireland agitation, a movement organised by youthful, and for the most part cultivated, leaders, and utterly different from the st.u.r.dy Repeal movement of O'Connell. Smith O'Brien, brother of Lord Inchiquin, was the ringleader, and was backed by Mitchel, Duffy, Meagher, and others, as well as by the _Nation_ and _United Irishman_ newspapers. Like Chartism, the movement ignominiously collapsed and its leaders were convicted of treason. An Act was at the same time pa.s.sed reducing some offences (till then legally defined as treason) to felonies, and improving the law as to offences against the person of the Sovereign.

The treacherous murder of two Englishmen in the Punjab led to operations against the Sikhs, Lord Dalhousie--who had recently become Viceroy--after some hesitation, reinforcing Lord Gough, the Commander-in-Chief, and proceeding in person to the frontier; a British force sustained a reverse at Ramnuggur on 22nd November, and a decisive result was not arrived at till 1849.

In South Africa, a proclamation by Sir Harry Smith, the Governor of the Cape of Good Hope, extending British sovereignty over the country between the Orange and Vaal rivers, led to a collision with the Boers, and ultimately to the founding of the Transvaal State. Sir Harry Smith defeated the Boers on the 29th of August at Boom Platz.

CHAPTER XVII

1848

_The King of the Belgians to Queen Victoria._

LAEKEN, _1st January 1848._

MY DEAREST VICTORIA,--This is a most melancholy beginning of the year. Our poor Aunt Adelade,[1] so kind to us, has departed this life yesterday morning. Poor Louise feels it dreadfully, as nothing could be more affectionate and more motherly than she was for Louise. She was always very kind and friendly to me, and I must confess I feel the blow much. I am very much alarmed about the poor King; he must feel the loss of a sister and friend so entirely devoted to him deeply; it is the thing most likely to hurt and shake his health. You will forgive if I cut short here, as I am much disturbed by this melancholy event. I think you would act kindly in writing to the King. We are too nearly connected not to do it, and it will soothe him, who has been enough persecuted since last year. I trust you begin better than we do this most melancholy January. My best love to Albert, and believe me ever, my dearest Victoria, your truly and devoted Uncle,

LEOPOLD R.

[Footnote 1: Sister of King Louis Philippe.]

[Pageheading: DEATH OF MADAME ADeLADE]