The Letters of Queen Victoria
Chapter 289 : Sans vouloir jeter un doute sur la sincerite de la Russie en acceptant nos proposition

Sans vouloir jeter un doute sur la sincerite de la Russie en acceptant nos propositions, il est impossible d'avoir a ce sujet une conviction pleine et entiere. J'ai tout lieu de croire cependant que nul effort et nul stratageme ne seront negliges pour rompre, s'il etait possible, ou au moins pour affaiblir notre alliance. Mais je repose a cet egard dans la fermete de V.M. la meme confiance qui saura detruire toutes ces esperances, que j'ai dans la mienne et dans celle de mes Ministres. Cependant, on ne saurait attacher trop d'importance a ce que cette commune fermete soit reconnue et appreciee des le commencement des negociations, car de la dependra, j'en ai la conviction, la solution, si nous devons obtenir une paix dont les termes pourront etre consideres comme satisfaisants pour l'honneur de la France et de l'Angleterre, et comme donnant une juste compensation pour les enormes sacrifices que les deux pays ont faits. Une autre consideration encore me porte a attacher le plus haut prix a cet accord parfait, c'est que si, par son absence, nous etions entraines dans une paix qui ne satisferait point la juste attente de nos peuples, cela donnerait lieu a des plaintes et a des recriminations qui ne pourraient manquer de fausser les relations amicales des deux pays au lieu de les cimenter davantage comme mon c[oe]ur le desire ardemment.

D'ailleurs, je ne doute pas un moment qu'une paix telle que la France et l'Angleterre ont le droit de la demander sera bien certainement obtenue par une determination inebranlable de ne point rabaisser les demandes moderees que nous avons faites.

Vous excuserez, Sire, la longueur de cette lettre, mais il m'est si doux de pouvoir epancher mes sentiments sur toutes ces questions si importantes et si difficiles, avec une personne que je considere non seulement comme un Allie fidele, mais comme un ami sur lequel je puis compter en toute occasion, et qui, j'en suis sure, est anime envers nous des memes sentiments.

Le Prince me charge de vous offrir ses hommages les plus affectueux, et moi je me dis pour toujours, Sire et cher Frere, de V.M.I., la tres affectionnee S[oe]ur et Amie,

VICTORIA R.

[Pageheading: THE CRIMEAN ENQUIRY]

_Queen Victoria to Viscount Palmerston._

BUCKINGHAM PALACE, _16th February 1856_.

The subject to which Lord Palmerston refers in his letter of last night, and upon which the Cabinet is going to deliberate to-day, has also caused the Queen much anxiety.

A Civil Commission is sent out by the Government to enquire into the conduct of the officers in command in the Crimea; this is done without any consultation with the Commander-in-Chief. They report to the Government, inculpating several general officers and others in high command; this report is not communicated to the military authorities, nor to the persons affected by it, but is laid on the table of both Houses of Parliament.[12] These officers then for the first time find themselves accused under the authority of Government, and that accusation communicated to the Legislature without ever having been heard in answer or allowed an opportunity to defend themselves. It is stated in both Houses by the Government that the officers may send papers in reply if they choose! But who is to be the Judge on the trial? The Press, of course, and the _Times_ at the head, have already judged and condemned, and the House of Commons is now moving _in default of another Judge_ to const.i.tute its tribunal by a Committee of Enquiry.

It is quite evident if matters are left so, and military officers of the Queen's Army are to be judged as to the manner in which they have discharged their military duties before an enemy by a Committee of the House of Commons, the command of the Army is at once transferred from the Crown to that a.s.sembly.

This result is quite inevitable if the Government appear as accusers, as they do by the report of their Commission, and then submit the accusation for Parliament to deal with, without taking any steps of their own!

The course suggested by Sir James Graham and alluded to by Lord Palmerston, of following the precedent of the enquiry into the Convention of Cintra,[13] appears therefore to the Queen to be the only prudent one.

The Queen thinks it most unfair to the officers to publish their statements beforehand, as these will not go before judges feeling the weight of their responsibility, but before the newspapers who are their sworn enemies and determined to effect their ruin, for which they possess unlimited means.

The Queen wishes Lord Palmerston to read this letter to the Cabinet.

[Footnote 12: Sir John MacNeill and Colonel Tulloch had been sent out to the Crimea early in 1855 to investigate the breakdown of various military departments. They had issued a preliminary report in the summer of 1855, and a final one in January 1856, which was presented to Parliament. The officers specially censured were Lord Lucan (who had been given the command of a Regiment), Lord Cardigan, Inspector of Cavalry, Sir Richard Airey, Quartermaster-General, and Colonel Gordon, Deputy Quartermaster-General. Lord Panmure wrote on the 17th of February that the Government recommended the appointment of a Commission of Enquiry, consisting of General Sir Howard Douglas and six other high military officers. The Commission sat at Chelsea, and made its report in July, exonerating the officers censured.]

[Footnote 13: The Convention of Cintra was concluded on the 30th of August 1808. It was founded on the basis of an armistice agreed upon between Sir Arthur Wellesley and General Kellerman, on the day after the battle of Vimiera, and some of its provisions were considered too favourable to the French. A Board of Enquiry, under the presidency of Sir David Dundas, in the first instance exculpated the British officers; but the Government having instructed the members of the Board to give their opinions individually, four were found to approve and three to disapprove the armistice and convention.]

[Pageheading: THE EMPEROR'S CORDIALITY]

_The Earl of Clarendon to Queen Victoria._

PARIS, _18th February 1856_.

Lord Clarendon presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and humbly begs to say that he dined last night at the Tuileries, and had a conversation of two hours with the Emperor, which was in all respects satisfactory. On no occasion has Lord Clarendon heard the Emperor express himself more warmly or with greater determination in favour of the Alliance, and H.M. entirely concurred with Lord Clarendon, that upon the perfect understanding between the two Governments, and the conviction on the part of others that the Alliance was not to be shaken, depended the facility with which negotiations might be conducted, and the terms on which peace would be made. Lord Clarendon spoke with the utmost frankness about the flattery that had been and would continue to be addressed to His Majesty, and the contrast perpetually drawn between England and France, to the disparagement of the former, for the purpose of disturbing the relations between them; but that your Majesty and your Majesty's Government had always treated these tricks with contempt, because the confidence in the Emperor's honour and loyalty was complete. Lord Clarendon dwelt particularly upon the feelings of your Majesty and of the Prince on this subject, and the pleasure it gave the Emperor was evident; and he desired Lord Clarendon to say that your Majesty should never find such confidence misplaced.

He promised Lord Clarendon that he would give Baron Brunnow and Count Buol to understand that if they thought the Alliance could be disturbed by them they would find themselves grievously mistaken, and that it would be waste of time to try and alter any conditions upon which he had agreed with the English Government.

The Emperor appeared to be much gratified by your Majesty's letter, for the first thing he said to Lord Clarendon on coming into the room before dinner was "_quelle charmante lettre vous m'avez apportee de la Reine_," and then began upon the extraordinary clearness with which your Majesty treated all matters of business, and the pleasure he derived from every discussion of them with your Majesty....

The Empress was looking in great health and beauty. She was in the highest spirits, and full of affectionate enquiry for your Majesty.

[Pageheading: OUDH]

[Pageheading: THE KING'S APPEAL]

_The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria._

CALCUTTA, _19th February 1856_.

The Governor-General presents his most humble duty to your Majesty, and has the honour of submitting to your Majesty a copy of a Proclamation, whereby the Kingdom of Oudh has been placed exclusively and permanently under the authority of your Majesty's Government.[14]

The various considerations, and the course of public events, which led to this necessity, have long since been laid before your Majesty's Government in great detail.

The Governor-General during the past summer communicated to the Home Authorities his readiness to remain in India as long as he dared, namely, for one additional month, until the 1st of March, for the purpose of carrying into effect the proposed policy regarding Oudh--if it was desired that he should do so.

The orders from the Home Government reached the Governor-General only upon the 2nd of January, leaving barely two months for the a.s.sembling of the military force which was necessary to provide against all risks--for the negotiations with the King--and for the organisation of the future Civil and Military Administration of Oudh.

Every preparation having been completed, the Resident at Lucknow waited upon the King in person--communicated to him the resolution which the British Government had taken--and tendered for his acceptance a new Treaty, whereby the transfer of the Government of Oudh would have been made a matter of amicable agreement.

The King wholly refused to sign any Treaty. He declared himself ready to submit to the will of the British Government in all things. He bade the Resident observe that every mark of power had already been laid down by His Majesty's own orders--the guns at the palace gates were dismounted, the guards bore no arms, and, though drawn up as usual in the Court, they saluted the Resident with their hands only; while not a weapon was worn by any officer in the Palace.

The King gave way to pa.s.sionate bursts of grief and anger--implored the intercession of the Resident in his behalf--and finally, uncovering his head, he placed his turban in the Resident's hands.

This act--the deepest mark of humiliation and helplessness which a native of the East can exhibit--became doubly touching and significant when the head thus bared in supplication was one that had worn a royal crown.

The Government, however, had already borne too long with the wrongs inflicted by the sovereigns of Oudh upon their unhappy subjects. The clamorous grief of the King could not be allowed to shut out the cry of his people's misery. The King's appeal, therefore, could not be listened to; and as His Majesty, at the end of the three days' s.p.a.ce which was allowed him for deliberation, still resolutely refused to sign a Treaty, the territory of Oudh was taken possession of, by the issue of the Proclamation which has now been respectfully submitted to your Majesty.

It is the fourth kingdom in India which has pa.s.sed under your Majesty's sceptre during the last eight years.[15]

Perfect tranquillity has prevailed in Oudh since the event which has just been narrated. General Outram writes that the populace of Lucknow, more interested than any other community in the maintenance of the native dynasty, already "appear to have forgotten they ever had a King." In the districts the Proclamation has been heartily welcomed by the middle and lower cla.s.ses; while even the higher orders, who of course lose much in a native state by the cessation of corruption and tyranny, have shown no symptoms of dissatisfaction.

There seems every reason to hope and expect that the same complete tranquillity will attend the further progress of our arrangements for the future administration of Oudh....

The Governor-General has only further to report to your Majesty that Lord Canning arrived at Madras on the 14th inst., and that he will a.s.sume the Government of India on the last day of this month.

The Governor-General will report hereafter Lord Canning's arrival at Fort William; and he has now the honour to subscribe himself, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble and devoted Subject and Servant,

DALHOUSIE.

[Footnote 14: In a letter of the 13th, Mr Vernon Smith had told the Queen that the Press rumours of "annexation" were premature, and that the use of the word itself had been avoided in Lord Canning's correspondence with the Court of Directors.]