The Journal of Negro History
Chapter 96 : In the mean time the degradation occasioned by slavery in the Danish islands--the low p

In the mean time the degradation occasioned by slavery in the Danish islands--the low physical, intellectual, and moral condition of the slaves, as compared with that of the liberated negroes of the British islands--is obvious and unquestionable.

The worst feature of the system is the "Sunday market," as it is called. The slaves are allowed no one of the working days of the week for their own business. The consequence is, that mult.i.tudes of them throng from the country (often from a great distance) into the towns of Ba.s.sin and West End, on the First day of the week, with their provisions and fruits for sale. The rum shops are hard by the market places. The buyers, of course, misuse the day as well as the sellers; and the scene is one, not only of busy traffic, but of noisy merriment, idleness, and dissipation.

Before we left Santa Cruz, we called on General Sobotker, the present Governor, of the island, to take our leave; and we ventured to press this subject on his consideration, not without some remarks on slavery in general. He listened to us in a very obliging manner, and seemed to look forward to better days; but his last words to us, as we went down the steps from his door, were, "PATIENCE, PATIENCE, PATIENCE."

It was very satisfactory to us, to learn from our friend Captain Von Scholten, the brother of the Governor General (then in Denmark) that a commission had been appointed at Copenhagen, to enquire into the state of these colonies, with a view to emanc.i.p.ation. In the meantime, seven large buildings have been erected in different parts of the island, to serve as chapels and schools, for the religious and literary instruction of the Negro population. They are not yet in use: but several of the planters are making laudable exertions for the education of their slaves in reading and in a knowledge of the Holy Scriptures. A colored person of the name of Macfarlane, in every way adapted for the office, is employed for the purpose; this school circulates, with excellent effect, from one estate to another.

Having been taught their moral and religious obligations, the negroes, on these estates, are greatly improved, and are much more useful to their masters, than in the days of their ignorance.

The schools held on the First day of the week under the care of the members of the Episcopal church, at Ba.s.sin and West End, are attended by several hundreds of black, mulatto, and white children. Some of the planters and their wives are united with colored persons and others, as instructors in these schools; and the blessed work is carried on, both among the teachers and the taught, without prejudice of caste, or distinction of color.--JOSEPH JOHN GUERNEY, _A Winter in the West Indies described in familiar Letters to Henry Clay, of Kentucky_, 1840, pp. 20-23.

V

STADTHAUPTMAND CHAMBERLAIN VON SCHOLTEN'S NARRATIVE OF THE INSURRECTION OF 1848

In the week that preceded the 3rd July, 1848, I was confined to my bed with a rheumatic swelling in my right hand. On Sunday the 2nd July I felt a little better, and could more or less use the hand. On the afternoon of that day I received a visit from one of our most respectable planters. In the course of our conversation, he told me that there were strange reports in circulation concerning the negroes, who, it was said, were to refuse to go to work on the next day, and to demand their freedom. He could not a.s.sign any further grounds for these reports than hearsay. Being accustomed to hear of war and revolution in Europe, as well as disturbances and riot in the French islands, from the fact of the majority in this little place, Frederiksted, seeking to make up for the monotony of their existence by spreading and listening to all sorts of idle rumours and scandals, this information made no further impression upon me. I bade him, in the meantime, to acquaint the commander of the fort, and the policemaster with what he had heard, and promised myself to inform my brother, the Governor-General, as soon as he arrived here in the "Ornen," a brig-of-war, which was momentarily expected.

At about eight o'clock in the evening my physician came to attend to me, and he spoke of the alarming reports that were in circulation. As he appeared to be somewhat concerned about the matter, I remonstrated with him and spoke of the evil of spreading such reports, which, if unfounded, might awaken ideas among the slaves which it was to the interest of every one to prevent. Not that I feared that they would be disposed to violence or riot. They had been generally well treated and were apparently satisfied.

About nine o'clock, I received a message that the Governor-General had arrived in Christiansted, and that his carriage which stood in my yard was to go up there, but as it was late, I gave orders to the coachman to wait until next day. In the meantime I went to bed. A short time after my servant told me that there must be fire in the country as the bells were being rung and sh.e.l.ls blown. As this is the customary manner of giving notice of such, the thought of anything unusual did not occur to me. And as I could see no sign of any fire from my house, which is built on an elevation, I concluded that it was upon a distant estate, and again sought refuge in sleep. This lasted but a short time, when I was once again aroused by a loud knocking at my gate. Opening the window, I immediately recognized the voice of the Brandmajor commanding in Frederiksted, he told me that the negroes in the country were rioting and desired their freedom, and that was the reason why the bell-ringing and blowing of sh.e.l.ls were to be heard. We then spoke about the plan of action we should adopt, and whether the alarm gun should be fired or the Brand corps and Militia should be called out. The Major having stated that the negroes were committing no excesses and only making a disturbance, I looked upon this as a good sign, for when one has evil designs he rarely makes a noise, but generally proceeds to action at once. Nevertheless, it was a doubtful point with me whether I, as Stadthauptmand, would be justified in firing the alarm, the militia law not stating anything definite or to the point as to who should give such an order. On the other hand, my authority only extended over the militia. Over the Fort from which the alarm gun should be fired I had no command whatsoever.

There were many considerations which induced me to proceed with caution in the matter.

To have fired the alarm would have been equivalent to placing the island in a state of siege. The power to do this rested only with the Governor. Moreover, such an act would have summoned the whole of the white population into town, away from their estates, leaving their wives, children and old women in the power of the negroes. With no one to check them, had excesses been committed, how blameable it would have been to have acted so precipitately.

I was confirmed in this opinion by a planter and military officer, who shared my views on the subject. The officer remarking that: "Should the negroes be intent on evil, they could easily prevent isolated members of the militia from coming in, and should the opposite be the case, he saw no reason for calling them from their estates, where they might by their presence be able to check violence and plunder." The policemaster--Andersen--coincided with these views, observing: "Let us not by hasty proceedings provoke the negroes. The bell-ringing and noise do not indicate that they are intent upon violence. We must proceed with caution if we do not desire to see things worse." These words from one who had a large experience of the character of the negro, carried weight with most of us.

The opinion has since been expressed on more than one occasion, that the Brand corps, which was composed of free coloured people, should have been called out, but from prudential motives it was deemed advisable to limit their action until absolutely necessary. I shall now attempt to picture the events which followed.

About two o'clock a.m., eight or ten mounted militiamen came in from the country and informed me that the condition was such as the earlier reports had stated. That there were noisy demonstrations and disorder, but nowhere had actual violence been committed. These gentlemen had left behind them their wives, mothers and children, so to speak, in the power of the negroes, without the least fear that they would be exposed to any kind of danger. They came to inquire if the alarm gun had been fired, and if such were the case, to meet as accustomed. I explained to them that the gun had not been fired, as it was not considered prudent to call them away at such a moment from their property, where they could best work to preserve order. They therefore returned to their homes. At four o'clock a.m., I sent off my brother's carriage to Christiansted, and by same opportunity a letter in which I described to him the condition of things in Frederiksted. At the same time expressing the hope that order and quiet might be restored by representations and negotiations.

At seven o'clock in the morning, the negroes streamed into the town in large numbers. Shortly afterwards it was reported to me that the police office was being plundered and demolished. The second Brand officer, who was with me, after expressing the opinion that it was in no way advisable to call out the corps, undertook with some of the best disposed of his men to a.s.sist in the keeping of order. And it is but fair to say, that it was owing to the activity and representations of the free coloured men that more violence was not committed, only three houses being plundered and wrecked. At about this time a negro came crying to me and begged me to write a letter to the Governor-General asking that he would come down to Frederiksted as soon as possible, so that by his presence he might save the town from further molestation. With this I joyfully complied, beseeching my brother not to delay, as only he would be able to quiet the negroes. In the meantime the Brand major had narrowly escaped with his life.

Riding into town from his estate he was attacked by the negroes, a negro woman striking at his neck with an axe, which fortunately glanced off without injuring him. To show that he intended them no harm, he threw away his sword, exclaiming: "Take my life, if that can satisfy you, I come not as an enemy, but as a friend!"

With these words they seemed impressed, and allowed him to pa.s.s on his way.

A crowd of negroes came shouting and yelling up the street, and stood in front of my residence, demanding that I should proclaim their immediate freedom. Representing to them how wrongly they had acted by destroying and plundering, I advised them to keep quiet until the Governor-General arrived, as he alone could satisfy their demands. Seeing that they were now more peaceable, I went to the Fort, where several of the inhabitants of the town had a.s.sembled. These were most restless, not to say unreasonable.

Some thought that to save the town from further disturbance, I should, in the Governor-General's name, have declared the negroes free, but, as, in my opinion, I had no such power, I could not, nor would not, take it upon myself to do so. Nevertheless, it was the opinion of every one that only the prompt emanc.i.p.ation of the slaves would save the island from further destruction. And now a considerable number of negroes had a.s.sembled together in the Fort yard. They cried and shouted, demanded their freedom, and called on the soldiers to fire upon them. This the commander of the Fort had some difficulty in preventing. Many who were present begged him also not to do so, as the town would surely be burnt to ashes. Of this there could not be any doubt, as near by, behind a corner house, which could not be commanded by the guns of the Fort there were several negro women gathered together with "trash" or dry cane leaves, which, at the first shot from the Fort, it was arranged they should light and throw into the doors and windows. The fire would thus have spread quickly through the town, as the houses were mostly deserted, and there was no one to check it. With a view of quieting the threatening mult.i.tude, I went among them, accompanied by the Catholic priest[397] and a few of the bravest of the inhabitants. The priest, whose influence was very great, spoke to them, admonis.h.i.+ng and exhorting them to be quiet. On the other hand, on my addressing myself to one who appeared to be a leader of them, I received the following reply: "Ma.s.sa, we poor negroes cannot fight with the soldiers, as we have no guns, but we can burn and destroy if we do not get our freedom, and that is what we intend to do."

It was rumoured in the Fort that the negroes intended to storm it, and for that reason had procured an English flag, which they regarded as the symbol of freedom. I myself saw the flag in the crowd, and nearing the flag-bearer after some difficulty, I asked the young negro why he did not carry the Danish instead of the English flag, to which he answered: "Any flag is good on such an occasion." But on my speaking further he seemed visibly embarra.s.sed, and moved away among the crowd. About ten o'clock a.m. a great noise was heard in the upper part of the town. Some said it was the Governor-General, but it turned out to be the Stadthauptmand of Christiansted, Oberst de Nully, and the Governor-General's adjutant. The Oberst stepped out of the carriage and spoke to the crowd, which was so dissatisfied that the Governor-General had not come himself that they would not listen to him. Suddenly there was a great movement among them, and with repeated cries of "Moore!" "Moore!" they rushed down the Strand-street. Here the infuriated mob commenced immediately to plunder and destroy Merchant Moore's store and residence. Mr.

Moore himself sought refuge on board one of the vessels in the harbour. The cause of this unexpected outbreak is said to have been brought about by Mr. Moore's carelessly speaking to the negroes, who understood that he would request the garrison of the Fort to shoot them down. This would have been an easy matter, for it was quite possible to sweep the street with a couple of field guns from the water battery and the Fort gate; but the commander of the Fort was besought not to fire for fear that in their desire for revenge the negroes would burn down the town and destroy every white person who might fall into their hands.

Besides, as the actually guilty ones were in Mr. Moore's house, plundering, only innocent people who were in the street would have been killed. Several sailors from the English vessels in the harbour were now to be seen among the excited people, encouraging them by words and actions. And particularly conspicuous upon the wharf were several water casks belonging to these vessels, on which was written in large letters--"Liberty." It is worthy of remark, in contrast to these proceedings, that the free coloured population did their utmost to prevent the negroes from breaking into the houses and warehouses in the vicinity.

Most of the whites were now either on board the vessels or in hiding. About this time a negro appeared upon the scene, who seemed to be in command of the immense concourse of people which filled the street. This was Buddhoe, or as he was called later on, General Bourdeaux.

About three o'clock p.m., the Governor-General arrived, accompanied by Kammerjunker Upper Court a.s.sessor Rothe. The General stepped out near the Fort, went in among the crowd and declared the negroes to be free. He then requested Kammerjunker Rothe, and as far as I can remember, Major Gyllich, the Brand major, to see that the negroes left the town, which these gentlemen soon accomplished.

Later on a detachment of troops arrived from Christiansted, and at five o'clock p.m. the Governor-General returned to Christiansted, after having ordered the cavalry, which had recently arrived, to go back again. First Lieutenant v Holstein, with two pieces of cannon and forth men, remained over night in the Fort.

The brig-of-war "Ornen," Captain Irminger, arrived in the harbour shortly before sunset. The night pa.s.sed quietly enough, though fires illuminated the hills of the north side. On Tuesday, the 4th of July, a number of negroes were seen on the road leading to the North side, and it was feared that, should they enter the town, it would doubtless result in bloodshed or incendiarism. In order to prevent this, Major Gyllich rode out among them, and, by repeated a.s.surances that they were now free and would not be brought back to slavery again, succeeded in inducing them to return to their homes. At the same time he persuaded the negro Buddhoe to accompany him to town, a wise move, for it was through this negro's influence over them that order and quiet were restored to this part of the island. In the meantime, Kammerjunker Rothe arrived from Christiansted, whence he had started in the morning with a number of printed copies of the proclamation of freedom. Shortly after his arrival, three expeditions were organised to make their contents known among the negroes. Kammerjunker Rothe, the Vice-Brand major and a prominent planter, went to Annally and Spring Garden, while Major Gyllich, Buddhoe, or General Bourdeaux[398] and two of the most respectable free coloured burghers went to the South side.

The company in which I found myself arrived first at estate "La Grange." We had little difficulty in getting the negroes together, who stood around our carriage as Kammerjunker Rothe read out and explained the proclamation to them. Continuing our road, we came to estate "Northside," where we met the owner and his family who had remained there during the whole tumult. They told us that during the forenoon of the same day, they had been attacked by the negroes from the neighbouring estate of "Ham's Bay," who under the pretext of wanting to take the overseer's weapons from him, attempted to force the dwelling house. The negroes of the estate defended them and prevented the intended violence. From that place we went to "Ham's Bay," where we found it difficult to collect the negroes, who had forced the owner and his family to take flight in a fis.h.i.+ng boat shortly before. After having restored something like order among them, we returned to Frederiksted.

The expedition in charge of Major Gyllich, after visiting twenty odd estates reached as far as "La Reine." Mr. Beech read the proclamation on each of them. On the road they learned that there was a large gathering at estate "Slob," which had been doing a great deal of plundering and destruction. Though Buddhoe declared that he did not know the negroes on that part of the island, and it was remarked that estate "Slob" was outside of West End jurisdiction, Major Gyllich decided to go there, being under the impression that he might prevent further troubles.

Going up the hill towards "Slob," they met a man named "Martin King," chief of the "fleet," as they called this meeting. This negro who was half drunk and riding a white horse, and who seemed to be a leader among the crowd which they encountered, upon understanding the object of the expedition, after a great deal of outrageous and foolish talk yielded to the representations of the Major, and by the influence he seemed to wield over the rest of his comrades, was of great a.s.sistance in restoring order among them. After visiting estates "La Reine" and "Mount Pleasant," the major and his party returned to Frederiksted.

On Tuesday and Wednesday several planters with their families came into town, and sought refuge on board the s.h.i.+ps in the harbour. The owner of the estate "Negro Bay," with twenty or thirty other managers and overseers also came in, an error which resulted in his estate being plundered. By this time prisoners were being continually brought in. The negroes bringing them in themselves. To this Buddhoe mainly contributed. On Thursday morning at four o'clock a considerable force consisting of two cannon, infantry and cavalry under the command of Captain v Castonier left the town. In the meantime the Fort was garrisoned from the brig-of-war. Though this expedition met with no opposition, it served a good purpose, as from that time perfect quiet and order were brought about.--TAYLOR, _Leaflets from the Danish West Indies_, pp. 126-132.

VI

CHAMBERLAIN IRMINGER'S ACCOUNT OF THE INSURRECTION OF 1848

After a stay of several days in the island of St. Thomas, Governor-General v Scholten sailed in the forenoon of the 2nd July, 1848, for St. Croix, in the brig-of-war "Ornen," which I commanded.

About four o'clock in the afternoon we anch.o.r.ed in Ba.s.sin (Christiansted), suspecting nothing of the row which the negroes intended to make. The General dined with me. At sunset he landed in order to proceed to Bulowsminde, and as he heard that I intended to have the s.h.i.+p painted, he invited me to pa.s.s the time at his beautiful country seat.

About 10 o'clock, p.m. we retired to rest. The 3rd July, at about two o'clock in the morning, I was awakened by the General's servant with a request that I would come to the General as quickly as possible. I immediately repaired to his presence and found him already dressed. He then showed me a report from the Chief Commander of the Fort in West End (Frederiksted), Capt. v Castonier, which stated that the negroes were restless at that part of the island--that bells were being rung on the estates--and they were sounding the alarm on their sh.e.l.ls (conchsh.e.l.ls).

When I had read the report, the Governor-General said: "What is now to be done?" To this I answered that I thought the best thing to do was to seek as quickly as possible to smother the disturbance at its birth, because every minute now lost would lend additional strength to the disturbers of the peace. It was my impression that twenty to thirty armed men should immediately be sent on horseback to West End in order to scatter the negroes apart.

The Governor remarking that he could not dispose of such a force, I replied that I did not think it would be so difficult to get such a number of mounted militia collected from the nearest estates.

In the meantime, the General's horses were saddled and we now both rode, accompanied by a mounted servant, down to the Government house in Ba.s.sin. The night was a starry one and the weather exceedingly fine. We stopped now and then on the tops of the different hills which we rode over to listen if we could not hear the blowing of sh.e.l.ls or any shouting. But all was hushed, and we heard only the rustling of the cocoa-nut palm leaves moved by the trade wind. As soon as we arrived in town, messages were sent to Major v Falbe, who was Chief of the Fort in Ba.s.sin, Major v Geillerup, who lived in the barracks, Oberst de Nully, Major Keutsch and others. We now spoke of what was to be done. I still maintained that action should be taken immediately and that if the cavalry force which I had asked for could not be got, which I could by no means admit, other military must immediately be sent to West End. I furthermore said to the General that I would go on board to let the men that could be dispensed with get ready to land, and, at the same time, get the brig ready for sea so as to be able to leave for West End by daybreak, if ordered. The General requested me to remain a little longer in the Government House so as to avoid making any disturbance in town where all was still and quiet. The conference ended, I believe, in Major Keutsch's coachman being sent towards West End for more information as to how it stood with the island. It was now nearly five o'clock in the morning. The time pa.s.sed and nothing was done. I believed I knew the negro character, and that the riot could have been smothered at the beginning by decisive action.

Seeing that my presence at Government House was of no further use, I told the General that I would now go on board, so that I could get the brig ready for sea, and to send armed men on sh.o.r.e, if required. This I did, and awaited the General's order.

To my surprise I received none whatsoever, and about eight o'clock a.m. I again went on sh.o.r.e. There I was informed that Oberst de Nully and Lieutenant v Meincke had been sent to West End. I also found some soldiers drawn up and ready to set out, though I afterwards learned, with orders not to go further than King's Hill (an estate in the middle of the island.) Interrogating the General as to whether the brig should not sail to West End, I received the answer that she might be possibly required in Ba.s.sin, and I would receive further orders.

In Ba.s.sin, everything was quiet, and I began to believe that the whole affair did not mean much. Indeed, scarcely any one seemed to have any knowledge of it. I then informed the General that everything was ready as well for sea, as to send men ash.o.r.e, and should the General have anything to order, I could be found in the Athenaeum; a reading room nearly opposite the Government House. About one o'clock p.m., Lieutenant v Meincke arrived from West End and reported the state of affairs. He brought at the same time information that the negroes wanted to speak to the Governor-General himself. General v Scholten had the horses immediately put to, taking Kammerjunker Rothe with him into the carriage to drive to Frederiksted. This man, from what I had heard, had been always an advocate for the emanc.i.p.ation of the negroes. Before the General drove off, I requested a decided order from him as to whether I should remain lying in Ba.s.sin or depart for West End. After some reflection, he gave me the order.

With this I left for that place.

On my arrival, and immediately after having anch.o.r.ed, the "Ornen's" boats were armed, and I went ash.o.r.e. The King's Wharf was full of negroes, and everything was in disorder. Accompanied by some of my armed men, I went to the Fort. By the entrance to same, I met General v Scholten in his carriage; he was just ready to drive back to Ba.s.sin. I reported my arrival, and asked for orders. The General's answer was: "I have given Emanc.i.p.ation.

Remain here with the 'Ornen'."

This was the last order I received from him, and I did not see him again before my arrival in Denmark in the following year.

In the Fort I spoke with Captain v Castonier, and shortly after, I sent, according to agreement with him, an officer with about fifty men as a reinforcement as well as for patroling. This detachment remained ash.o.r.e some time.

"By this time nearly all the estate negroes had left the town.

Still everything was in the greatest confusion. Town-Bailiff Andresen's house and Police-a.s.sistant Didrichsen's were entirely wrecked by the negroes. A Mr. Moore's house and store had suffered to the extent of 20,000 dollars. Several lesser excesses had been committed, and armed negroes were seen off and on riding through the streets at a gallop. Most of the whites had fled to vessels lying in the harbour, of which the 'Johann Marie' had over two hundred fugitives on board. On the night of our arrival, fires illumined different parts of the island."[399]

As every thing was yet in the greatest confusion, and deeming it of the utmost importance to bring about order, Vice-Stadthauptmand F. v Scholten, the commander of the Fort, Captain Castonier, Police-master Ogaard and myself, a.s.sembled, and after due deliberation, issued the following order:--

"It is hereby made known, for the information of everyone concerned, that in case the country people should come to town in a riotous way and threaten to attack the Fort, or otherwise to disturb the inhabitants, then, and in such case, where more than ten people are collected together, the Fort is ordered to fire upon them, as also his Majesty's brig-of-war 'Ornen.' All peaceable inhabitants are therefore desired not to interfere with the country people, but keep out of their way.

"Frederiksted, 4th July, 1848.

"F. SCHOLTEN, C. IRMINGER, CASTONIER, OGAARD."

At the same time, the Proclamation of Emanc.i.p.ation that had been sent to West End from Ba.s.sin was read out. It is as follows:--

1. All unfree in the Danish West India Islands are from today free.