History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880
Chapter 70 : FOOTNOTES: [5] Livermore, pp. 159, 160.[6] Mackenzie's Life of Perry, vol. i. pp.

FOOTNOTES:

[5] Livermore, pp. 159, 160.

[6] Mackenzie's Life of Perry, vol. i. pp. 165, 166.

[7] Mackenzie's Life of Perry, vol. i. pp. 186, 187.

[8] a.n.a.lectic Magazine, vol. iii. p. 255.

[9] Niles's Weekly Register, Sat.u.r.day, Feb. 26, 1814.

PART 5.

_ANTI-SLAVERY AGITATION._

CHAPTER IV.

RETROSPECTION AND REFLECTION.

1825-1850.

THE SECURITY OF THE INSt.i.tUTION OF SLAVERY AT THE SOUTH.--THE RIGHT TO HOLD SLAVES QUESTIONED.--RAPID INCREASE OF THE SLAVE POPULATION.--ANTI-SLAVERY SPEECHES IN THE LEGISLATURE OF VIRGINIA.--THE QUAKERS OF MARYLAND AND DELAWARE EMANc.i.p.aTE THEIR SLAVES.--THE EVIL EFFECT OF SLAVERY UPON SOCIETY.--THE CONSCIENCE AND HEART OF THE SOUTH DID NOT RESPOND TO THE VOICE OF REASON OR DICTATES OF HUMANITY.

An awful silence succeeded the stormy struggle that ended in the violation of the ordinance of 1787. It was now time for reflection.

The Southern statesmen had proven themselves the masters of the situation. The inst.i.tution of slavery was secured to them, with many collateral political advantages. And, in addition to this, they had secured the inoculation of the free territory beyond the Mississippi and Ohio rivers with the virus of Negro-slavery.

If the mother-country had forced slavery upon her colonial dependencies in North America, and if it were difficult and inconvenient to part with slave-labor, who were now responsible for the extension of the slave area? Southern men, of course. What principle or human law was strong enough to support an inst.i.tution of such cruel proportions? The old law of European pagans born of b.l.o.o.d.y and destroying wars? No; for it was now the nineteenth century.

Abstract law? Certainly not; for law is the perfection of reason--it always tends to conform thereto--and that which is not reason is not law. Well did Justinian write: "Live honestly, hurt n.o.body, and render to every one his just dues." The law of nations? Verily not; for it is a system of rules deducible from reason and natural justice, and established by universal consent, to regulate the conduct and mutual intercourse between independent States. The Declaration of Independence? Far from it; because the prologue of that incomparable instrument recites: "_We hold these truths to be self-evident--that all_ MEN _are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that, to secure these rights, governments are inst.i.tuted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed._" And the peerless George Bancroft has added: "The heart of Jefferson in writing the Declaration, and of Congress in adopting it, beat for all humanity; the a.s.sertion of right was made for all mankind and all coming generations, without any exception whatever; for the proposition which admits of exceptions can never be self-evident." There was but one authority for slavery left, and that was the Bible.

Many slave-holders thought deeply on the question of their right to hold slaves. A disturbed conscience cried aloud for a "Thus saith the Lord," and the pulpit was charged with the task of quieting the general disquietude. The divine origin of slavery was heard from a thousand pulpits. G.o.d, who never writes a poor hand, had written upon the brow of every Negro, the word "_Slave_"; slavery was their normal condition, and the white man was G.o.d's agent in the United States to carry out the prophecy of Noah respecting the descendants of Ham; while St. Paul had sent Onesimus back to his owner, and had written, "Servants, obey your masters."

But apologetic preaching did not seem to silence the gnawing of a guilty conscience. Upon the battle-fields of two great wars; in the army and in the navy, the Negroes had demonstrated their worth and manhood. They had stood with the undrilled minute-men along the dusty roads leading from Lexington and Concord to Boston, against the skilled redcoats of boastful Britain. They were among the faithful little band that held Bunker Hill against overwhelming odds; at Long Island, Newport, and Monmouth, they had held their ground against the stubborn columns of the Ministerial army. They had journeyed with the Pilgrim Fathers through eight years of despair and hope, of defeat and victory; had shared their sufferings and divided their glory. These recollections made difficult an unqualified acceptance of the doctrine of the divine nature of perpetual slavery. Reason downed sophistry, and human sympathy shamed prejudice. And against prejudice, custom, and political power, the thinking men of the South launched their best thoughts. Jefferson said: "The hour of emanc.i.p.ation is advancing in the march of time. It will come, and whether brought on by the generous energy of our own minds, or by the b.l.o.o.d.y process of St.

Domingo, excited and conducted by the power of our present enemy [Great Britain], if once stationed permanently within our country and offering asylum and arms to the oppressed [Negro], is a leaf in our history _not yet turned over_." These words, written to Edward Coles, in August, 1814, were still ample food for the profound meditation of the slave-holders. In his "Notes on Virginia" Mr. Jefferson had written the following words: "_Indeed, I tremble for my country when I reflect that G.o.d is just; that His justice cannot sleep forever._ That, considering numbers, nature, and natural means, only a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an exchange of situation, is among possible events. That it may become probable by _supernatural interference_. _The Almighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest._"[10]

The eloquence of Patrick Henry and the logic and philosophy of Madison and Jefferson rang in the ears of the people of the slave-holding States, and they paused to think. In forty years the Negro population of Virginia had increased 186 per cent.--from 1790 to 1830,--while the white had increased only 51 per cent. The rapid increase of the slave population winged the fancy and produced horrid dreams of insurrection; while the p.r.o.nounced opposition of the Northern people to slavery seemed to proclaim the weakness of the government and the approach of its dissolution. In 1832, Thomas Jefferson Randolph, a grandson of Thomas Jefferson, lifted up his voice in the Legislature of Virginia against the inst.i.tution of slavery.

Said Mr. Jefferson:--"There is one circ.u.mstance to which we are to look as inevitable in the fulness of time--_a dissolution of this Union_. G.o.d grant it may not happen in our time or that of our children; but, sir, it must come sooner or later, and when it does come, border war follows it, as certain as the night follows the day. An enemy upon your frontier offering arms and asylum to this population, tampering with it in your bosom, when your citizens shall march to repel the invader, their families butchered and their homes desolated in the rear, the spear will fall from the warrior's grasp; his heart may be of steel, but it must quail. Suppose an invasion in part with _black troops_, speaking the same language, of the same nation, burning with enthusiasm for the liberation of their race; if they are not crushed the moment they put foot upon your soil, they roll forward, an hourly swelling ma.s.s; your energies are paralyzed, your power is gone; the mora.s.ses of the lowlands, the fastnesses of the mountains, cannot save your wives and children from destruction. Sir, we cannot war with these disadvantages; _peace, ign.o.ble, abject peace,--peace upon any conditions that an enemy may offer, must be accepted_. Are we, then, prepared to barter the liberty of our children for slaves for them?... Sir, it is a practice, and an increasing practice in parts of Virginia to _rear slaves for market_. How can an honorable mind, a patriot and a lover of his country, bear to see this ancient Dominion, rendered ill.u.s.trious by the n.o.ble devotion and patriotism of her sons in the cause of liberty, converted into one grand managerie, where men are to be reared for market like oxen for the shambles.

Is this better, is it not worse, than the _Slave-Trade_, that trade which enlisted the labor of the _good and the wise of every creed and every clime to abolish it_?"

Mr. P. A. Bolling said:--

"Mr. Speaker, it is vain for gentlemen to deny the fact, the feelings of society are fast becoming adversed to slavery. The moral causes which produce that feeling are on the march, and will on _until the groans of slavery are heard no more in this else happy country_. Look over this world's wide page--see the rapid progress of liberal feelings--see the shackles falling from nations who have long writhed under the galling yoke of slavery.

Liberty is going over the whole earth--hand-in-hand with Christianity. The ancient temples of slavery, rendered venerable alone by their antiquity, are crumbling into dust. Ancient prejudices are flying before the light of truth--are dissipated by its rays, as the idle vapor by the bright sun. The n.o.ble sentiment of Burns:

'Then let us pray that come it may, As come it will for a' that, That man to man, the warld o'er, Shall brothers be for a' that'--

is rapidly spreading. The day-star of human liberty has risen above the dark horizon of slavery, and will continue its bright career, until it smiles alike on all men."

Mr. C. J. Faulkner said:--

"Sir, I am gratified that no gentleman has yet risen in this hall, the advocate of slavery. * * * Let me compare the condition of the slave-holding portion of this commonwealth, barren, desolate, and scarred, as it were, by the avenging hand of Heaven, with the descriptions which we have of this same country from those who first broke its virgin soil. To what is this change ascribable? Alone to the withering, blasting effects of slavery. If this does not satisfy him, let me request him to extend his travels to the Northern States of this Union, and beg him to contrast the happiness and contentment which prevail throughout that country--the busy and cheerful sound of industry, the rapid and swelling growth of their population, their means and inst.i.tutions of education, their skill and proficiency in the useful arts, their enterprise and public spirit, the monuments of their commercial and manufacturing industry, and, above all, their devoted attachment to the government from which they derive their protection, with the division, discontent, indolence, and poverty of the Southern country. To what, sir, is all this ascribable? 'T is to that _vice_ in the organization of society by which one half of its inhabitants are arrayed in interest and feeling against the other half; to that unfortunate state of society in which free men regard labor as disgraceful, and slaves shrink from it as a burden tyrannically imposed upon them. _'To that condition of things in which half a million of your population can feel no sympathy with the society in the prosperity of which they are forbidden to partic.i.p.ate, and no attachment to a government at whose hands they receive nothing but injustice.'_ In the language of the wise, prophetic Jefferson, 'you must approach this subject, YOU MUST ADOPT SOME PLAN OF EMANc.i.p.aTION, OR WORSE WILL FOLLOW.'"

In Maryland and Delaware the Quakers were rapidly emanc.i.p.ating their slaves, and the strong reaction that had set in among the thoughtful men of the South began to threaten the inst.i.tution. Men felt that it was a curse to the slave, and poisoned the best white society of the slave-holding States. As early as 1781, Mr. Jefferson, with his keen, philosophical insight, beheld with alarm the demoralizing tendency of slavery. "The whole commerce," says Mr. Jefferson, "between master and slave is a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous pa.s.sions; the most unrelenting despotism on the one part, and degrading submission on the other. Our children see this, and learn to imitate it--for man is an imitative animal. This quality is the germ of all education in him. From his cradle to his grave he is learning to do what he sees others do. If a parent could find no motive, either in his philanthropy or his self-love, for restraining the intemperance of pa.s.sion toward his slave, it should always be a sufficient one that his child is present. But generally, it is not sufficient. The parent storms; the child looks on, catches the lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose tongue to the worst of pa.s.sions, and, thus nursed, educated, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but be stamped with odious peculiarities. The man must be a prodigy who can retain his manners and morals undepraved by such circ.u.mstances. And with what execration should the statesman be loaded, who, permitting one half the citizens thus to trample on the rights of the other, transforms those into despots and these into enemies, destroys the morals of the one part, and the _amor patriae_ of the other!"[11]

And what was true in Virginia, as coming under the observation of Mr.

Jefferson, was true in all the other States where slavery existed. And indeed it was difficult to tell whether the slave or master was injured the more. The ignorance of the former veiled from him the terrible evils of his condition, while the intelligence of the latter revealed to him, in detail, the baleful effects of the inst.i.tution upon all who came within its area. It was at war with social order; it contracted the sublime ideas of national unity; it made men sectional, licentious, profligate, cruel,--and selfishness paled the holy fires of patriotism.

But notwithstanding the profound reflection of the greatest minds in the South, and the philosophic prophecies of Jefferson, the conscience and heart of the South did not respond to the dictates of humanity.

Cotton and cupidity led captive the reason of the South, and, once more joined to their idols, the slave-holders no longer heard the voice of prudence or justice in the slave marts of their "section."

FOOTNOTES:

[10] Jefferson's Writings, vol. viii, p. 404.

[11] Jefferson's Writings, vol. viii. p. 403.

CHAPTER V.

ANTI-SLAVERY METHODS.

THE ANTIQUITY OF ANTI-SLAVERY SENTIMENT.--BENJAMIN LUNDY'S OPPOSITION TO SLAVERY IN THE SOUTH AND AT THE NORTH.--HE ESTABLISHES THE "GENIUS OF UNIVERSAL EMANc.i.p.aTION."--HIS GREAT SACRIFICES AND MARVELLOUS WORK IN THE CAUSE OF EMANc.i.p.aTION.--WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON EDITS A PAPER AT BENNINGTON, VERMONT.--HE PENS A PEt.i.tION TO CONGRESS FOR THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.--GARRISON THE PEERLESS LEADER OF THE ANTI-SLAVERY AGITATION.--EXTRACT FROM A SPEECH DELIVERED BY DANIEL O'CONNELL AT CORK, IRELAND.--INCREASE OF ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES IN THE COUNTRY.--CHARLES SUMNER DELIVERS A SPEECH ON THE "ANTI-SLAVERY DUTIES OF THE WHIG PARTY."--MARKED EVENTS OF 1846.--SUMNER THE LEADER OF THE POLITICAL PARTY.--HETERODOX ANTI-SLAVERY PARTY.--ITS SENTIMENTS.--HORACE GREELEY THE LEADER OF THE ECONOMIC ANTI-SLAVERY PARTY.--THE AGGRESSIVE ANTI-SLAVERY PARTY.--ITS LEADERS.--THE COLONIZATION ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.--AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.--MANUMITTED NEGROES COLONIZE ON THE WEST COAST OF AFRICA.--A BILL ESTABLIs.h.i.+NG A LINE OF MAIL STEAMERS TO THE COAST OF AFRICA.--IT PROVIDES FOR THE SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE-TRADE, PROMOTION OF COMMERCE, AND THE COLONIZATION OF FREE NEGROES.--EXTRACTS FROM THE PRESS WARMLY URGING THE Pa.s.sAGE OF THE BILL.--THE UNDERGROUND RAILROAD ORGANIZATION.--ITS EFFICIENCY IN FREEING SLAVES.--ANTI-SLAVERY LITERATURE.--IT EXPOSES THE TRUE CHARACTER OF SLAVERY.--"UNCLE TOM'S CABIN," BY HARRIET BEECHER STOWE, PLEADED THE CAUSE OF THE SLAVE IN TWENTY DIFFERENT LANGUAGES.--THE INFLUENCE OF "IMPENDING CRISIS."

Anti-slavery sentiment is as old as the human family. It antedates the Bible; it was eloquent in the days of our Saviour; it preached the Gospel of Humanity in the palaces of the Caesars and Antonies; its arguments shook the thrones of Europe during the Mediaeval ages. And when the doctrine of property in man was driven out of Europe as an exile, and found a home in this New World in the West, the ancient and time-honored anti-slavery sentiment combined all that was good in brain, heart, and civilization, and hurled itself, with righteous indignation, against the inst.i.tution of slavery, the perfected curse of the ages! And how wonderful that G.o.d should have committed the task of blotting out this terrible curse to Americans! And what "vessels of honor" they were whom the dear Lord chose "to proclaim liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison to them that are bound!"

Statesmen like Franklin, Rush, Hamilton, and Jay; divines like Hopkins, Edwards, and Stiles; philanthropists like Woolman, Lay, and Benezet! And the good Quakers--G.o.d bless them!--or _Friends_, which has so much tender meaning in it, did much to hasten the morning of freedom. In the poor Negro slave they saw Christ "an hungered," and they gave Him meat; "thirsty," and they gave Him drink; "a stranger,"

and they took Him in; "naked," and they clothed Him; "sick," and they visited Him; "in prison," and they came unto Him. Verily they knew their "_neighbor_."

They began their work of philanthropy as early as 1780. In Maryland,[12] Pennsylvania, and New Jersey the Friends emanc.i.p.ated all their slaves. At a single monthly meeting in Pennsylvania eleven hundred slaves were set at liberty. Nearly every Northern State had its anti-slavery society. They were charged with the humane task of ameliorating the condition of the Negro, and scattering modest literary doc.u.ments that breathed the spirit of Christian love.

But the first apostle of _Abolition Agitation_ was Benjamin Lundy. He was the John Baptist to the new era that was to witness the doing away of the law of bondage and the ushering in of the dispensation of universal brotherhood. He raised his voice against slave-keeping in Virginia, Ohio, Tennessee, and Maryland. In 1821 he established an anti-slavery paper called "The Genius of Universal Emanc.i.p.ation,"

which he successively published in Philadelphia, Baltimore, and Was.h.i.+ngton City,--and frequently _en route_ during the tours he took through the country, wherever he could find a press. Once he made a tour of the free States, like another Apostle Paul, stirring up the love of the brethren for those who were in bonds, lecturing, obtaining subscribers, writing editorials, getting them printed where he could, stopping by the wayside to read his "proof," and directing and mailing his papers at the nearest post-office. Then, packing up his "column-rules," type, "heading," and "directing-book," he would journey on, a lone, solitary "Friend." He said in 1830:--

"I have, within the period above mentioned (ten years), sacrificed several thousands of dollars of my own hard earnings; I have travelled upwards of five thousand miles on foot and more than twenty thousand in other ways; have visited nineteen States of this Union, and held more than two hundred public meetings; have performed two voyages to the West Indies, by which means the emanc.i.p.ation of a considerable number of slaves has been effected, and I hope the way paved for the enfranchis.e.m.e.nt of many more."

He was a slight-built, wiry figure; but inflamed by a holy zeal for the cause of the oppressed, he was almost unconscious of the vast amount of work he was accomplis.h.i.+ng. As a Quaker his methods were moderate. His journalistic voice was not a whirlwind nor the fire, but the still, small voice of persuasiveness. Though it was published in a slave mart, his paper, a monthly, was regarded as perfectly harmless.

But away up in Vermont there was being edited, at Bennington, a paper called "The Journal of the Times." It was started chiefly to advocate the claims of John Quincy Adams to the Presidency, but much s.p.a.ce was devoted to the subject of anti-slavery. The young editor of the above-named journal had had experience with several other papers previous to this--"The Free Press," of Newburyport, Ma.s.s., and "The National Philanthropist," of Boston. "The Genius of Universal Emanc.i.p.ation," was among the exchanges of "The Journal of the Times,"

and its sentiments greatly enthused the heart of the Vermont editor, who, under G.o.d, was destined to become the indefatigable leader of the Anti-slavery Movement in America, _William Lloyd Garrison_! To his advocacy of "temperance and peace" young Garrison added another excellent principle, intense hatred of slavery. He penned a pet.i.tion for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, which he sent to all the postmasters in Vermont, beseeching them to secure signatures. As the postmasters of those days paid no postage for their letters, many names were secured. The pet.i.tion created a genuine sensation in Congress. The "Journal of Commerce" about this time said: